Ilmu Ladunni

Category: Books

Genre:  Religion & Spirituality

Author: Muhammad Luthfi Ghozali 

Komentar buku : Mengintip Alam Barzakh, Ilmu Laduni Buah Ibadah dan Tawassul

Pengarang : Muhammad Luthfi Ghozali

Penerbit : Abshor

Lokasi : Semarang

Tahun : 2007

Halaman : XVI +552. 14x20

Diresensi oleh : Ferry Djajaprana

Buku Ilmu Laduni karangan Muhammad Luthfi Ghozali ini pantas Anda miliki untuk menambah referensi tentang kitab tasawuf wabil khusus untuk pembahasan di bidang Ilmu Laduni.

Ilmu Laduni yang dijelaskan oleh Luthfi (maaf, saya tidak menyebut Ghozali takut tertukar dengan Al Ghazali, yang karya utamanya tentang Risalah Al Laduniyahnya menjadi rujukan kitab-kitab yang membahas ilmu Ladunni) cukup berbobot, dengan alur bahasa yang sederhana dan tidak membuat kita mengernyitkan dahi, padahal isi bukunya cukup berat untuk dipahami.

Luthfi menjelaskan bahwa ilmu laduni adalah Ilmu Laddunniyah Robbaniyah, yaitu ilmu pemberian atau warisan langsung dari kehendak dan urusan Allah SWT. Bagaimana bentuk ilmu ini dijelaskan secara kongkrit ? Ujud ilmu Ladunni ini berupa ilham spontan yang memancar dari lubuk hati kemudian terpancarkan melalui akal dan fikir. Apa yang dijelaskan cukup kongkrit dan logis dengan alasan-alasan yang diterima oleh akal, ilmu ladunni bukan melulu ilmu supranatural seperti yang biasa digembor-gemborkan para ahli Supranatural (baca: dukun) dalam memasarkan produk jualannya, melainkan juga penemuan-penemuan ilmiah yang dinamis dan aplikatif. Ilmu yang dijelaskan Luthfi ini menarik untuk dijadikan referensi. Menurut hemat penulis, sebenarnya bila mau buku ini juga bisa dijadikan rujukan untuk lebih menuju 'know-how' bagaimana diaplikasikan di lapangan, bahkan bisa juga Luthfi menjadikan buku ini sebagai acuan untuk mengkolaborasi pengaktifan otak sebelah kanan (subconsiuss) diaplikasikan dengan Neuro Linguistic Programming, sehingga bisa diakses oleh orang dan dipraktekan di dunia usaha yang mereka geluti dalam kesehariannya.

Tulisan luthfi di dalam buku tersebut dilengkapi dengan ilustrasi cerita-cerita yang mampu menghipnosa pembacanya dan mengaktifkan otak kanan pembacanya. Perpaduan kumulatif dari ayat-ayat yang tersurat(makna muhakamat) dengan ayat-ayat tersirat (makna mustasyabihat) tersirat dalam nuansa dzikir dan pikir, akan melahirkan ilmu intuitif, yang datangnya dari bisikan-bisikan kalbu atau ilham langsung dan spontan, tanpa melalui perantaraan melihat, maupun mendengarkan yang biasa digunakan dalam otak sadar (otak kiri), karena di dalam hati yang bersih, Allah mendatangkan hidayahnya, sebagai buah dari ibadah yang dijalani oleh hambanya.

Banyak hal yang menarik tak bisa penulis ungkapkan karena buku setebal lebih dari 560 halaman ini bercerita banyak lengkap dengan rahasia hijab yang menutupi tirai pintu hati dan tujuh pembukanya.

Lain dari pada itu, penulis juga ingin memberikan masukan-masukan untuk kesempurnaan buku tersebut agar bisa diterima masyarakat yang lebih luas, mulai dari kalangan akademisi sampai dengan kalangan umum, apalagi tahun 2009 ini buku-buku bertemakan spiritual sedang diminati oleh masyarakat luas.

Kaum sufi telah memproklamirkan keistimewaan ilmu laduni. Ilmu ini merupakan ilmu yang paling agung dan puncak dari segala ilmu. Dengan mujahadah, pembersihan dan pensucian hati akan terpancar nur dari hatinya, sehingga tersibaklah seluruh rahasia-rahasia alam ghaib bahkan bisa berkomunikasi langsung dengan Allah, para Rasul dan ruh-ruh yang lainnya, termasuk nabi Khidhir ‘Alayhis-salam. Tidaklah bisa diraih ilmu ini kecuali setelah mencapai tingkatan ma’rifat melalui latihan-latihan, amalan-amalan, ataupun dzikir-dzikir tertentu.

Ini bukan suatu wacana atau tuduhan semata, tapi terucap dari lisan tokoh-tokoh tenar kaum sufi, seperti Al Junaidi, Abu Yazid Al Busthami, Ibnu Arabi, Al Ghazali, dan masih banyak lagi yang lainnya yang terdapat dalam karya-karya tulis mereka sendiri.

Al Ghazali rohimahullahu ta’ala dalam kitabnya Ihya’ Ulumuddin 1/11-12 berkata: “Ilmu kasyaf adalah tersingkapnya tirai penutup, sehingga kebenaran dalam setiap perkara dapat terlihat jelas seperti menyaksikan langsung dengan mata kepala … inilah ilmu-ilmu yang tidak tertulis dalam kitab-kitab dan tidak dibahas … “.

Dia juga berkata: “Awal dari tarekat, dimulai dengan mukasyafah dan musyahadah, sampai dalam keadaan terjaga (sadar) bisa menyaksikan atau berhadapan langsung dengan malaikat-malaikat dan juga ruh-ruh para Nabi dan mendengar langsung suara-suara mereka bahkan mereka dapat langsung mengambil ilmu-ilmu dari mereka”. (Jamharatul Auliya’: 155)

Abu Yazid Al Busthami berkata: “Kalian mengambil ilmu dari orang-orang yang mati. Sedang kami mengambil ilmu dari Allah yang Maha Hidup dan tidak akan mati. Orang seperti kami berkata: “Hatiku telah menceritakan kepadaku dari Rabbku”. (Al Mizan: 1/28)

Ibnu Arabi berkata: “Ulama syariat mengambil ilmu mereka dari generasi terdahulu sampai hari kiamat. Semakin hari ilmu mereka semakin jauh dari nasab. Para wali mengambil ilmu mereka langsung dari Allah yang dihujamkan ke dalam dada-dada mereka.” (Rasa’il Ibnu Arabi hal. 4)

Pencetus Wihdatul Wujud (Ibnu Arabi) ini juga berkata: “Sesungguhnya seseorang tidak akan sempurna kedudukan ilmunya sampai ilmunya berasal dari Allah ‘Azza wa Jalla secara langsung tanpa melalui perantara, baik dari penukilan ataupun dari gurunya. Sekiranya ilmu tadi diambil melalui penukilan atau seorang guru, maka tidaklah kosong dari sistim belajar model tersebut dari penambahan-penambahan. Ini merupakan aib bagi Allah ‘Azza wa Jalla - sampai dia berkata - maka tidak ada ilmu melainkan dari ilmu kasyaf dan ilmu syuhud bukan dari hasil pembahasan, pemikiran, dugaan ataupun taksiran belaka”.

Ilmu Laduni (Ibn Taimiyah) sebagai masukan Pro dan Kontra tentang Ilmu Laduni.

Ilmu Laduni, Antara Hakikat dan Khurafat

Manusia dilahirkan di bumi ini dalam keadaan bodoh, tidak mengerti apa-apa. Lalu Allah mengajarkan kepadanya berbagai macam nama dan pengetahuan agar ia bersyukur dan mengabdikan dirinya kepada Allah dengan penuh kesadaran dan pengertian. Allah Subhanahu wa Ta'ala berfirman: 

"Dan Allah mengeluarkan kamu dari perut ibumu dalam keadaan tidak mengetahui sesuatu pun dan Dia memberi kamu pendengaran, penglihatan dan hati, agar kamu bersyukur." (An-Nahl: 78) 

Pada hakikatnya, semua ilmu makhluk adalah "Ilmu Laduni" artinya ilmu yang berasal dari Allah Subhanahu wa Ta'ala. Para malaikat-Nya pun berkata: 

"Maha Suci Engkau, tidak ada yang kami ketahui selain dari apa yang telah Engkau ajarkan kepada kami." (Al-Baqarah: 32) 

Ilmu laduni dalam pengertian umum ini terbagi menjadi dua bagian. Pertama, ilmu yang didapat tanpa belajar (wahbiy). Kedua, ilmu yang didapat karena belajar (kasbiy). 

Bagian pertama (didapat tanpa belajar) terbagi menjadi dua macam: 

1. Ilmu Syar'iat, yaitu ilmu tentang perintah dan larangan Allah yang harus disampaikan kepada para Nabi dan Rasul melalui jalan wahyu (wahyu tasyri'), baik yang langsung dari Allah maupun yang menggunakan perantaraan malaikat Jibril. Jadi semua wahyu yang diterima oleh para nabi semenjak Nabi Adam alaihissalam hingga nabi kita Muhammad shallallahu 'alaihi wasallam adalah ilmu laduni termasuk yang diterima oleh Nabi Musa dari Nabi Khidlir . Allah Subhanahu wa Ta'ala berfirman tentang Khidhir: 

"Yang telah Kami berikan kepadanya rahmat dari sisi Kami, dan yang telah Kami ajarkan kepadanya ilmu dari sisi Kami." (Al-Kahfi: 65) 

Di dalam hadits Imam Al Bukhari, Nabi Khidlir alaihissalam berkata kepada Nabi Musa alaihissalam: 

"Sesungguhnya aku berada di atas sebuah ilmu dari ilmu Allah yang telah Dia ajarkan kepadaku yang engkau tidak mengetahuinya. Dan engkau (juga) berada di atas ilmu dari ilmu Allah yang Dia ajarkan kepadamu yang aku tidak mengetahuinya juga." 

Ilmu syari'at ini sifatnya mutlak kebenarannya, wajib dipelajari dan diamalkan oleh setiap mukallaf (baligh dan mukallaf) sampai datang ajal kematiannya. 

2. Ilmu Ma'rifat (hakikat), yaitu ilmu tentang sesuatu yang ghaib melalui jalan kasyf (wahyu ilham/terbukanya tabir ghaib) atau ru'ya (mimpi) yang diberikan oleh Allah kepada hamba-hambaNya yang mukmin dan shalih. Ilmu kasyf inilah yang dimaksud dan dikenal dengan julukan "ilmu laduni" di kalangan ahli tasawwuf. Sifat ilmu ini tidak boleh diyakini atau diamalkan manakala menyalahi ilmu syari'at yang sudah termaktub di dalam mushaf Al-Qur'an maupun kitab-kitab hadits. Menyalahi di sini bisa berbentuk menentang, menambah atau mengurangi. 

Bagian Kedua 

Adapun bagian kedua yaitu ilmu Allah yang diberikan kepada semua makhluk-Nya melalui jalan kasb (usaha) seperti dari hasil membaca, menulis, mendengar, meneliti, berfikir dan lain sebagainya. 

Dari ketiga ilmu ini (syari'at, ma'rifat dan kasb) yang paling utama adalah ilmu yang bersumber dari wahyu yaitu ilmu syari'at, karena ia adalah guru. Ilmu kasyf dan ilmu kasb tidak dianggap apabila menyalahi syari'at. Inilah hakikat pengertian ilmu laduni di dalam Islam. 

Khurafat Shufi 

Istilah "ilmu laduni" secara khusus tadi telah terkontaminasi (tercemari) oleh virus khurafat shufiyyah. Sekelompok shufi mengatakan bahwa: 

"Ilmu laduni" atau kasyf adalah ilmu yang khusus diberikan oleh Allah kepada para wali shufi. Kelompok selain mereka, lebih-lebih ahli hadits(sunnah), tidak bisa mendapatkannya.

"Ilmu laduni" atau ilmu hakikat lebih utama daripada ilmu wahyu (syari'at). Mereka mendasarkan hal itu kepada kisah Nabi Khidlir alaihissalam dengan anggapan bahwa ilmu Nabi Musa alaihissalam adalah ilmu wahyu sedangkan ilmu Nabi Khidhir alaihissalam adalah ilmu kasyf (hakikat). Sampai-sampai Abu Yazid Al-Busthami (261 H.) mengatakan: "Seorang yang alim itu bukanlah orang yang menghapal dari kitab, maka jika ia lupa apa yang ia hapal ia menjadi bodoh, akan tetapi seorang alim adalah orang yang mengambil ilmunya dari Tuhannya di waktu kapan saja ia suka tanpa hapalan dan tanpa belajar. Inilah ilmu Rabbany."

Ilmu syari'at (Al-Qur'an dan As-Sunnah) itu merupakan hijab (penghalang) bagi seorang hamba untuk bisa sampai kepada Allah Subhanahu wa Ta'ala.

Dengan ilmu laduni saja sudah cukup, tidak perlu lagi kepada ilmu wahyu, sehingga mereka menulis banyak kitab dengan metode kasyf, langsung didikte dan diajari langsung oleh Allah, yang wajib diyakini kebenarannya. Seperti Abd. Karim Al-Jiliy mengarang kitab Al-Insanul Kamil fi Ma'rifatil Awakhir wal Awail. Dan Ibnu Arabi (638 H) menulis kitab Al-Futuhatul Makkiyyah.

Untuk menafsiri ayat atau untuk mengatakan derajat hadits tidak perlu melalui metode isnad (riwayat), namun cukup dengan kasyf sehingga terkenal ungkapan di kalangan mereka

"Hatiku memberitahu aku dari Tuhanku." Atau

"Aku diberitahu oleh Tuhanku dari diri-Nya sendiri, langsung tanpa perantara apapun."

Sehingga akibatnya banyak hadits palsu menurut ahli hadits, dishahihkan oleh ahli kasyf (tasawwuf) atau sebaliknya. Dari sini kita bisa mengetahui mengapa ahli hadits (sunnah) tidak pernah bertemu dengan ahli kasyf (tasawwuf). 

Bantahan Singkat Terhadap Kesesatan di atas 

Kasyf atau ilham tidak hanya milik ahli tasawwuf. Setiap orang mukmin yang shalih berpotensi untuk dimulyakan oleh Allah dengan ilham. Abu Bakar radhiallahu anhu diilhami oleh Allah bahwa anak yang sedang dikandung oleh isterinya (sebelum beliau wafat) adalah wanita. Dan ternyata ilham beliau (menurut sebuah riwayat berdasarkan mimpi) menjadi kenyataan. Ibnu Abdus Salam mengatakan bahwa ilham atau ilmu Ilahi itu termasuk sebagian balasan amal shalih yang diberikan Allah di dunia ini. Jadi tidak ada dalil pengkhususan dengan kelompok tertentu, bahkan dalilnya bersifat umum, seperti sabda Nabi shallallahu 'alaihi wasalam:

"Barangsiapa mengamalkan ilmu yang ia ketahui, maka Allah mewariskan kepadanya ilmu yang belum ia ketahui." (Al-Iraqy berkata: HR. Abu Nu'aim dalam Al-Hilyah dari Anas radhiallahu anhu, hadits dhaif).

Yang benar menurut Ahlusunnah wal Jama'ah adalah Nabi Khidhir alaihissalam memiliki syari'at tersendiri sebagaimana Nabi Musa alaihissalam. Bahkan Ahlussunnah sepakat kalau Nabi Musa alaihissalam lebih utama daripada Nabi Khidhir alaihissalam karena Nabi Musa alaihissalam termasuk Ulul 'Azmi (lima Nabi yang memiliki keteguhan hati dan kesabaran yang tinggi, yaitu Nabi Nuh, Ibrahim, Musa, Isa dan Muhammad).

Adapun pernyataan Abu Yazid, maka itu adalah suatu kesalahan yang nyata karena Nabi shallallahu 'alaihi wasalam hanya mewariskan ilmu syari'at (ilmu wahyu), Al-Qur'an dan As-Sunnah. Nabi mengatakan bahwa para ulama yang memahami Al-Kitab dan As-Sunnah itulah pewarisnya, sedangkan anggapan ada orang selain Nabi shallallahu 'alaihi wasalam yang mengambil ilmu langsung dari Allah kapan saja ia suka, maka ini adalah khurafat sufiyyah.

Anggapan bahwa ilmu syari'at itu hijab adalah sebuah kekufuran, sebuah tipu daya syetan untuk merusak Islam. Karena itu, tasawwuf adalah gudangnya kegelapan dan kesesatan. Sungguh sebuah sukses besar bagi iblis dalam memalingkan mereka dari cahaya Islam.

Anggapan bahwa dengan "ilmu laduni" sudah cukup adalah kebodohan dan kekufuran. Seluruh ulama Ahlussunnah termasuk Syekh Abdul Qodir Al-Jailani mengatakan: "Setiap hakikat yang tidak disaksikan (disahkan) oleh syari'at adalah zindiq (sesat)."

Inilah penyebab lain bagi kesesatan tasawwuf. Banyak sekali kesyirikan dan kebid'ahan dalam tasawwuf yang didasarkan kepada hadits-hadits palsu. Dan ini pula yang menyebabkan orang-orang sufi dengan mudah dapat mendatangkan dalil dalam setiap masalah karena mereka menggunakan metode tafsir bathin dan metode kasyf dalam menilai hadits, dua metode bid'ah yang menyesatkan.

Tiada kebenaran kecuali apa yang diajarkan oleh Rasulullah shallallahu 'alaihi wasallam. Beliau bersabda: 

"Wahai manusia belajarlah, sesungguhnya ilmu itu hanya dengan belajar dan fiqh (faham agama) itu hanya dengan bertafaqquh (belajar ilmu agama/ilmu fiqh). Dan barangsiapa yang dikehendaki baik oleh Allah, maka ia akan difaqihkan (difahamkan) dalam agama ini." (HR. Ibnu Abi Ashim, Thabrani, Al-Bazzar dan Abu Nu'aim, hadits hasan). (Abu Hamzah As-Sanuwi). 

Maraji': 

Al-Fathur Rabbaniy, Abdul Qadir Al-Jailani (hal. 159, 143, 232).

Al-Fatawa Al-Haditsiyah, Al-Haitamiy (hal. 128, 285, 311).

Ihya' Ulumuddin, Al-Ghazali (jilid 3/22-23) dan (jilid 1/71).

At-Tasawwuf, Muhammad Fihr Shaqfah (hal. 26, 125, 186, 227).

Fathul Bariy, Ibnu Hajar Al-Asqalaniy (I/141, 167).

Fiqhut Tasawwuf, Ibnu Taimiah (218).

Mawaqif Ahlusunnah, Utsman Ali Hasan (60, 76).

Al-Hawi, Suyuthiy (2/197).

Menurut Ibn Al Arabi, dalam mengantarkan manusia untuk mengenal dirinya, untuk membawanya kepada proses kesempurnaan diri, ada beberapa tahap agar memudahkan kita (mahluk) untuk menuju Sang Kholiq, diantaranya :

1. Ta'alluq (menggantungkan hati dan pikiran hanya untuk Allah). Dalam istilah lain dikenal dengan Dzikrullah (dzikir kepada Allah). Dengan berusaha mengingat dan mengikatkan kesadaran hati dan pikiran kita kepada Allah, dimanapun berada. Sesuai dengan firman-Nya, yang artinya : Yakni orang-orang yang mengingat Allah sambil berdiri atau duduk, atau dalam keadaan berbaring dan mereka memikirkan tentang penciptaan langit dan bumi seraya berkata :”Ya Tuhan kami, tiadalah Engkau menciptakan ini dengan sia-sia. Maha suci Engkau, maka peliharalah kami dari siksa neraka”.

2. Takhalluq. Takhalluq merupakan suatu upaya proses penyempurnaan diri melalui pengejawantahan sifat-sifat Tuhan yang Maha Mulia untuk dapat ditiru dalam sifat-sifat seorang mukmin. Sehingga ia memiliki sifat-sifat mulia sebagaimana sifat-sifat Tuhan. Proses ini bisa juga disebut proses internalisasi sifat Tuhan ke dalam diri manusia. Seperti halnya banyak diantara kalangan sufi yang dalam hal ini menyandarkan hadits nabi yang berbunyi “Takhallaq bi akhlaq-I Allah” yang artinya berakhlaklah seperti akhlak Tuhan, atau “Takhalaq bi asma Allah” artinya berakhlak dengan nama-nama Allah.

3. Tahaqquq (Aktualisasi Sikap). Tahaqquq adalah merupakan suatu proses untuk mengaktualisasikan kesadaran dan kapasitas dirinya sebagai mukmin, sebagaimana tercermin dalam proses takhaluq – untuk kemudian mengaplikasikannya dalam perilaku kehidupan sehari-hari. Ia merupakan proses terakhir dari proses pengejawantahan proses takhalluq untuk menuju manusia yang sempurna. Sebuah gambaran singkat menuju proses penyempurnaan diri manusia, yang berangkat dari pengenalan arti dan hakikat manusia itu sendiri, untuk kemudian sampai kepada Tuhannya.

Demikian ringkasan buku "Mengintip Alam barzakh, Ilmu Ladunni, buah ibadah dan tawassul" ditambahkan masukan pro dan kontra Ilmu Laduni untuk melengkapi pembahasannya. Semoga berguna bagi rekan pencari dan sahabat semua.

Salam,

Ferry Djajaprana

Http://ferrydjajaprana.multiply.com

http://ponpesalfithrahgp.wordpress.com/penerbit-abshor-hidmah-dan-ibadah/ilmu-laduni/#comment-551

Tentang Ilmu Laduni / Ilmu Ghoib.

Dari kata "Ladunna Ilman" ini kemudian muncul kata-kata Ilmu Ladunni dan orang banyak mengatakan bahwa Ilmu Ladunni adalah Ilmu yang datang langsung dari Alloh tanpa melalui malaikat Jibril AS.

Dan semua orang bisa mendapatkan Ilmu Ladunni ini.

Adapun Ilmu yang tergolong kelompok Ilmu ini ada juga disebut Ilmu Warotsah dan Ilmu Firotsah. Ilmu-ilmu ini tidak dapat dipelajar.

Yang ada dalam kitab-kitab adalah bagaimana cara mencapai Ilmu  Ladunni itu.Bukan ilmu ladunni itu sendiri. Ilmu Ladunni adalah ilmu pemberian dari Alloh langsung.

( dikutip dari serial Kisah Nabi Khidir Herbudiarto )

Islamic Heritage

WHAT IS ISLAMIC MEDICINE?

Ahmed El-Kadi
U.S.A.

With the growing movement for the restoration of Islamic values, there is an increasing demand on Muslim scienists to restore and develop the Islamic sciences. It is essential, however, for the Muslim scientist to have a clear and sound understanding of the science he is expected to restore and develop. The majority of Muslim health professionals have no clear idea as to what Islamic medicine is. Even the ones who have an idea may differ In their concept and definition of Islamic Medicine. The question then arises: What is Islamic Medicine?

Is it the Id medicine, still being practiced by some Hakims in the east? is it natural medicine utilizing mostly herbs, diets and lifestyle adjustments? Is it a madicine limited to the health related teachings found in the ur'an and the prophet's tradition? Is it primarily faith-healing and prayers for the sick? Is it customary medicine given an Islamic label? Or is it some new discovery providing a cure for almost all ills? None of the above is in itself Islamic Medicine, but all together, and a great deal more, are its ingredients. 

Accordin to Islamic teaching, God has made available a treatment for every illness, He has created'. This teaching implies that every available and useful treatment known to us should be utilised, and that if a ,treatment for a certain illness is not yet known to us, it is our duty to search for it until we find it. Therefore, Islamic medicine cannot be limited to any branch of the healing arts which does not have the answer, or atleast the potential to have the answer, to all illnesses. The treatment in question may be spirit al or physical exercise, nutritional adjustment, pharmaceutical preparation, be it all natural ingredients purely synthetic, surgical procedure, radiation therapy, or a combination of any of these modalities.

Although Islamic Medicine may include, among many others, all the modalities of modern medicine, it differs from modern medicine in that it fulfills all the following six criteria: It is excellent and leading among other brands of the healing arts. It is a medicine with faith and Divine ethics. It is guided and oriented. It is comprehensive, paying attention to body and spirit, to the individual and the society. It is universal, utilzing all useful resources, and offering its services to all mankind. And last, but not least, it is scientific.

While modern medicine proclaims these criteria, i.e. to be excellent, ethical, oriented, comprehensive, niversal and scientific, it has failed to fulfill any of them. An examination of modern medicine wit regard to these six criteria will show how poorly it rates. United States statistics of the last decade will be used as representative of modern medicine.

The first criterion is excellence. Performance of modern medicine will be evaluated according to its ability save life, to eradicate or control disease, and to improve personal wellbeing.

Modern medical statistics may give the impression that the average age of the population has been extended, and that more lives are being saved. A key figure in mortality statistics is infant mortality since it affects total mortality figures and also the average age of the population. Infant mortality for 1978 is presen ed as 22,010 which is a great improvement on the 43,205 reported for 19702. For some reason, however, modern medical statistics completely ignore the huge figure of 1 , 1 50, 776 babies who died in 1978 d ring their first nine months of life, and who were classified as abortions and not as a mortality. This 178 figure represents an almost 600% increase over the 1970 figure of just 193 ,4913. To count all dead babies will change infant mortality to 172,786 in 1978 as opposed to just 236,696 in 1970. As to mortal it due to other leading causes of death, the progress made by modern medicine in some areas was almost cancelled out by the deterioration in other areas (Table 1 ). All areas combined, but without countin abortions, the mortality figure of 1 ,809,818 in 1970 decreased to l' 776,390 in 1978, or a meagr 1.8% improvement. Counting abortions, true total mortality was 2,003,309 in 1970, increasing to 2,927,1 6 in 1978, or a 46% deterioration. As to eradication or control of disease, modern medicine has made few steps forward in a few areas and many more steps backward in other areas (Table 2). The total in idence of the so-called dangerous diseases has increased from 1 ,065,012 in 1 970 to 1,281 ,952 in 197 , or a 20% deterioration of disease control over an eight-year period. The ability of modern medicine to improve personal happiness and wellbeing is also declining as manifested by the increasing incidence of suicide from 23,480 in 1970 to 27,500 in 19782; and the soaring incidence of divorce from 708,00 in 1970 to l' 128000 in 19782. It is obvious, with these poor performance figures, that modern medicine does not fulfill the first criterion of excellence.

The second criterion of Islamic Medicine is that it is a medicine with faith and divine ethics. All evidence indicates that modern medicine has no faith in God as the Supreme authority, and that modern medica ethics are by no means Divine. Modern medicine approves of the termination of the life of an innocent human being just for the convenience of another human being; it approves of premarital or extramarital relations; it approves of homosexual relations; and it sees no harm in providing alcohol in the great majority of liquid medicinal preparations. All these are clear violations of God's teachings, and these are just a few of many examples. The supreme authority in modern medicine is the consensus of the majority of physicians regardless of God's opinion on a given subject.

The third criterion of Islamic Medicine is that it is guided and oriented. Examination of current medical practices proves that modern medicine is quite misguided and disoriented. The philosophical foundation of modern medicine is confused and lacks sound logic. Modern medicine is trying to save all the lives it can save, but is willing to destroy the lives of millions & millions of unborn babies. Modern medicine recognized electrical brain activities as assign of life and would not dispose of any person as long a these activities are present. However, it is willing to dispose of huge numbers of unborn babies even t ough they have electrical brain activities. Modern medicine proves beyond any doubt that alcohol is hazardous to health, but is willing to add alcohol to most of the liquid medicinal preparations although a substitute is within reach. Modern medicine is very quick to accept the request of young females for permanent sterilization, then it goes to painstaking lengths to restore fertility in the very same young females who later discover that their initial decision was wrong and that they do not want to be sterile. Modern medicine claims to be doing its best to prevent the development or the spread of disease, but it does not t all discourage and may actually, directly or indirectly, encourage certain socio sexual behavior and attitudes which have proven to lead to the development and spread of disease. Modern medicine claims to be the most ethical profession, but it shows no hesitation in violating and ignoring the divine ethical rules.

The fourth criterion of Islamic Medicine is that it is comprehensive, paying attention to body and spirit, the individual and society. Examination of our modern medicine will show that its approaches are usually one-sided and inadequate, leading in many instances to disastrous consequences. Modern medicine as been greatly concerned with the physical growth of young children while it ignored the needs of their ethical upbringing and spiritual growth. This deficient approach has resulted in a large number of these children growing to be victims of drug abuse and juvenile delinquency, a problem of epidemic proportions and frightening magnitude. Modern medicine has promoted sex education but has ignored th proper ethical and moral restrictions which should be included in such programs. This has resulted in an increase in the number of unwanted pregnancies, an increase in the number of illegitimate children, soaring rise in the incidence of venereal disease, as well as marital problems and unhappy families results which are exactly the opposite of what was intended from the sex education programs. Modern medicine has fairly advanced knowledge of the physical components of peptic and cardiovasc lar disorders and also of ways and means of dealing with these components! The incidence of these disorders, however, is still quite high due to the lack of consideration and attention given to the spiritual an social needs of the patient and which may be playing an important role in the etiology of the diseas .

The some one sided approach is manifest at the level of basic science and clinical research. Considerable time, energy, and money are spent on the physical aspects of disease while very little if any, attention is paid to the spiritual and ethical aspects, be they the cause or the results of the so called somatic dis ases.

The fifth criterion of Islamic Medicine is that it is universal, utilizing all useful resources and offering its services to all mankind. Such a medicine must be willing to look into any potentially useful treatment modality, subject it to proper investigation, and utilize it if it proves to be useful. Modern medicine, however, seem to be quite reluctant to become involved with any treatment modality which does not originate from ts own schools. Although some of these "non-conventional" treatment modalities may be effective and may have already passed the test of centuries and proved to be successful, modern medicine would look on them with suspicion or even with prejudiced condemnation rather than approach them with inquisitiveness and an open minded investigative spirit. As a result of this restrictive attitude, modern me dicine is missing a great deal of good ideas which could provide simple, safe, and inexpensive treatment for many disorders.

The sixth criterion of Islamic Medicine is that it is scientific. The last thing one would expect is to declare modern medicine non-scientific. Unfortunately, it is. There are requirements for a scientific approach to qualify as such. These requirements, just to mention a few, include honesty in handling available data, accuracy of figures and statistics, thoroughness in considering all variables, consistency and som clarity of purpose. Critical examination of modern medicine shows that it fails to fulfill these criteria. There is no clarity of purpose as manifested by the numerous conflicting and contradictory practices and attitudes. There is no consistency of philosophy and policy as was demonstrated earlier in this discussion. Many variables are often ignored, many statistics lack accuracy, and consequently wrong conclusions are often reached. The fact that modern medicine is afflicted with increasing mortality and increasin incidence of disease inspite of all the technological advances is not reasonable and does not make sense. It indicates that there must be something missing, and there is.

The big question is: Can Islamic Medicine overcome all the problems of modern medicine, and can it provid its missing ingredients? The answer is a confident "yes". In all the problem areas of modern medicine listed in this paper, the deficiences are either lack of ethical and moral guidance, lack of standardized value system, disregard of certain restrictive or instructive rules related to ingested materials, or disregardle of certain hygienic and social guidelines governing human relations and social life. These missing item, are the very one abundantly provided by Islamic teachings.

The detailed elaboration on the correlation between various Islamic teachings and the course or development of various diseases is beyond the scope of this paper and will be the subject of separate investigations. The combination of Islamic teachings and the existing technological advances, which are fully suported by the Islamic teachings, produces a unique blend of healing arts which qualifies as Islamic medicine, a medicine which is most upto date and progressive while in full harmony with divine teachings and guidance. The basic Islamic teaching asserting that there is a cure for every illness (and it is up to seto find it) is an unbeatable stimulus for study and research towards unparalleled progress and achievement. The establishment of such a healing art entails the total reevaluation and revision of all existin basic and clinical sciences. In addition to providing the new medical foundation, the revised texts and restructured curricula will reflect the link between the creator and His creation thus reinforcing the concept of oneness of God (Tawheed) and automatically improving the faith of the student through his own professional study. These texts and curricula will also reflect the oneness of creationiby showing how the yarious systems of animated and non animated creatures follow very much the same laws of nature, or better stated, laws of God, thus broadening the horizon of the student which will in turn make him a better scientist and a better person. It will be a monumental task to establish, but a task worth undertaking.

Table 1

LEADING CAUSE OF DEATH AMONG AMERICANS
( SOURCE: U.S. PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE )

Cause of Death	Number of Deaths		Death Rate (Per 100,000)
	1978	1970	1978	1970
Heart & artery diseases	789,820	800,818	362.2	394.2
Chronic heart diseases	337,260	344,175	154.7	169.4
Sudden heart attack	303,630	357,241	139.2	175.8
Arteriosclerosis	29,190	31,682	13.4	15.6
Rheumatic fever	12,790	14,889	5.9	7.3
Hypertensive heart	10,020	1 4,991	4.6	7.3
Hypertension	5,460	8,273	2.5	4.1
Cancer	*396,060	330,730	181.6	162.8
Digestive organs	104,990	94,703	48.1	46.6
Lungs	98,820	69,517	45.3	34.2
Genital organs	44,670	41,190	20.5	20.3
Breast	34,950	29,917	16.0	14.7
Urinary organs	17,080	15,514	7.8	7.6
Leukemia	15,780	14,492	7.2	7.1
Mouth and pharynx	8,590	7,612	3.9	3.7
Other cancer	71,180	57,785	32.6	28.4
Stroke	172,520	207,166	79.1	101.9
Cerebral thrombosis	37,690	57,845	17.3	28.5
Cerebral hemorrhage	21,520	41,379	9.9	20.4
Other cerebrovascular diseases	113,310	107,942	51.9	53.1
Accidents	107,930	114,638	49.5	56.4
Motor vehicle	53,610	54,633	24.6	26.9
All other acdidents	54,320	60,006	24.9	29.5
Pneumonia	54,330	59,032	24.9	29.0
Violent deaths	48,580	40,328	22.3	19.9
Suicides.	27,500	23,480	12.6	11.6
Homicides	21,080	16,848	9.7	8.3
Diabetes	32,780	38,324	15.0	18.9
Ill-defined conditions .	31,460	25,781	14.4	12.7
Cirrhosis of the liver	29,910	31,399	13.7	15.5
Infant mortality	22,010	43,205	10.1	21.3
Injuries in birth	11,640	2,801	53	11.2
Other infant diseases	10,370	20,44	4.8	10.0
Emphysema	15,970	22,721	7.3	11.2
Congenital defects	12,780	16,824	5.9	8.3
Nephritis and nephrosis	8,010	8,877	3.7	4.4
Blood poisoning	7,780	3,535	3.6	1.7
Peptic ulcer	5,660	8,607	2.6	4.2
Benign tumors	5,400	4,828	2.5	2.4
Hernia and intestinal obstructions	5,330	7,235	2.4	3.6
Bronchitis	4,050	7,156	1.9	3.5
Influenza.	3,960	3,707	1.8	1.8
Anemias	3,170	3,427	1.5	1.7
Kidney infections	3,130	8,190	1.4	4.0
Nutritional deficiencies.	2,860	2,470	1.3	1.2
Tuberculosis	2,830	5,217	1.3	2.6
Gallstones	2,800	3,973	1.4	2.0
Asthma	1,790	2,322	0.8	1.1
Enteritis and diarrhea	1,650	2,567	0.8	1.3
Meningitis	1 ,590	1,701	0.7	0.8
Prostate disease	880	2,168	0.4	1.1
Appendicitis	730	1,397	0.3	0.7
Hepatitis, infectious	430	1,014	0.2	0.5
Syphilis	190	461	0.1	0.2
TOTAL MORTALITY REPORTED (Without Abortions)	1,776,390	1,809,818
Abortions	1,150,776	193,491
TRUE TOTAL MORTALITY	2,927,166	2,003,309

Table 2

DANGEROUS DISEASES IN THE UNITED STATES: 1970-1978
SOURCE: U.S. CENTER FOR DISEASE CONTROL

DISEASE	1970		1978
	Case	Rate	Case	Rate
Amebiasi	2,888	1.42	3,937	1.84
Anthrax
Aseptic Meningitis	6,480	3.18	6,573	3.01
Botulism	12	0.01	105	0.05
Brucellosi (Undulant Fever)	213	0.10	213	0.10
Diphtherial	435	0.21	76	0.03
Encephalitis, Primary	1,580	0.78	266	0.14
Encephalitis, Postinfectious	370	0.18	65	0.03
Hepatitis A	56,797	27.87	29,500	13.53
Hepatitis B	8,310	4.08	5,016	6.8
Leprosy	129	0.06	168	0.08
Leptospirosis	47	0.02	110	0.05
Malaria	3,051	1.50	731	0.34
Measles (Rubeola)	47,351	23.23	26,871	12.32
Meningococcal Infections	2,505	1.23	2,505	1.15
Mumps	104,953	55.55	16,817	7.81
Pertussis (Whooping Cough)	4,249	2.08	2,063	0.95
Poliomyelips, Total	33	0.02	15	0.01
Paralytic	31	0.02	9	0.00
Psittacosis	35	0.02	140	0.06
Rabies in Man	2	0.00	4	0.00
Rheumatid Fever, Acute	3,227	2.45	851	0.60
Rubella (German Measles)	56,552	27.75	18,269	8.38
Rubella, Congenital	77	0.04	30	0.01
Salmonellosis	22,096	10.84	29.410	13.49
Shigellosi (Dysentery)	13,845	6.79	19.511	8.95
Tetanus	148	0.07	86	0.04
Trichinosi	109	0.05	67	0.03
Tuberculosis	37,137	18.22	28,521	13.08
Tularemia	172	0.08	141	0.06
Typhoid Fever	346	0.17	505	0.23
Typhus Fever. Flea-Borne	27	0.01	40	0.02
Typhus Fever. Tick-Borne	380	0.19	1,063	0.49
Venereal iseases Syphilis	91,382	45.30	64,875	30.00
Gonorrhea	600,072	297.47	1,013,436	468.25
TOTAL	1,065,012	530.97	1,281,952	592.00

 

THE ISLAMIC VIEW OF MEDICINE
Ibrahim EI-Sayyad, Kuwait

I -ISLAM AND MEDICAL SCIENCE
       1 .The relation of Islam to medicine is a less component springing from the greater truth which governs Islam's view of man. For man in the Holy Ouran is God's representative on earth. He is the creature ho ored by God who commanded the angels to bow down to him. He has appointed the earth for him to build upon and to cultivate. This paramount value assigned to man has entailed the raising of an array of guarantees which Qura'nic verses and traditions of the Prophet have confirmed to such an extent tha t any hostility to man is aggression against society as a whole. The Qur'an states:

IF ANYONE SLEW A PERSON- UNLESS IT BE FOR MURDER OR FOR SPREAD- ING MISCHIEF IN THE LAND -IT WOULD BE AS IF HE SLEW THE WHOLE PEOPLE (Quran s 5: V 35)

The prophet (pbuh)   also declares:
 "ONE MOSLEM IS INVIOLABLE TO ANOTHER MOSLEM WITH RESPECT TO HIS LIFE, HIS PROPERTY AND HIS FAMILY HONOUR " (2 -8)

Having first ordained this supreme worth and prime responsibility to man, God has then fortified him with knowledge.

GOD MOST GRACIOUS! IT IS HE WHO HAS TAUGHT THE QURAN. HE HAS CREATED, MAN: HE HAS TAUGHT HIM SPEECH (Quran 555: V:1-4)
Thus the picture becomes clear: God has honored man in that he has placed upon him the maximum responsibility, namely to maintain God's trusteeship on earth. He then bestows upon him the basic weapons of "science" and "knowledge".

2. The science of medicine is the most important branch.of knowledge for the protection of this creature m God has honored so that he might perform his mission on earth. Medicine is a translation of the rig for the body visavis its own, as the Prophet (pbuh)  says:

"THE BODY HAS ITS OWN RIGHTS OVER YOU"

3. Tr e science is that which contributes to faith. Right faith is faith which gives scope to science, Such is the science which Islam desires. Islam intends science to be in the shadow of faith and in the service of its highest ideals. In this sense the Our'an has directed

READ IN THE NAME OF THY LORD AND CHERISHER WHO CREATED (596:V1)

The Quran thus decrees reading bound to a specific provison: that one must read "in God's name". Hence study is directed toward the "The good".

4. Is am .prefers the call of science over unprescribed worship. From God's Apostle (pbuh) is the pronounc ment:

" THE SUPERIORITY OF THE SCHOLAR TO THE WORSHIPPER IS LIKE MY SUPERIORITY OVER THE HUMBLEST OF YOU" (4 -11 )

This is because most acts of worship fall short of providing benefit to others as they do not go further than the worshipper. For those who memorize and read the Quran devote themselves to their own purif cation and to the multiplication of their own merits. Yet society does not obtain from their worship any direct benefit which would accrue to the general good. As for science, its benefit transcends itself, not being restricted to the scientist but also benefitting the people.

5. The applied sciences like Medicine, therefore, have an exalted position in Islam. As in the Holy verse:

AND IN THE MOUNTAINS ARE TRACTS WHITE AND RED OF VARIOUS SHADES OF COLOR AND BLACK INTENSE IN HUE. AND SO AMONGST MEN AND CRAWLING CREATURES AND CATTLE. ARE THEY OF VARIOUS COLOURS. OF HIS WORSHIPPERS, THE LEARNED FEAR HIM MOST (Quran 5.35: V.27-28)

The ear of God has been an advantage to scientists working in the applied sciences which have been me tioned in the Holy Qur'anic verse including Geology, Medicine and Biology.

6. In need science which is beneficial to humanity is contrasted to The rituals of worship, in that the rewards derived from science do not cease at the scientist's death. The Apostle of God (pbuh) has said:
"WHEN A SON OF ADAM DIES, HIS WORK CEASES EXCEPT IN THREE AREAS; HIS ALMS WHICH CONTINUE, HIS SCIENCE WHICH BRINGS BENEFIT AND AN UPRIGHT SON WHO PRAYS FOR HIM". (1-2-11)

7. Furthermore, we may say that if worship is a means of gaining God's favour, science also is a way of ti ding divine acceptance assisting God's servants as well. It is thus required of scientists to guide thei learning to what is pleasing before God. God's Apostle (pbuh) has said:

"WHOEVER LEARNS KNOWLEDGE WHICH SHOULD BE DIRECTED TO THE GLORY OF GOD BUT UTlLISES IT TO GAIN FOR HIMSELF THINGS OF THE WORLD, HE WILL REACH NOTHING OF PARADISE ON RESURRECTION DAY"   (3-6-8-11)

And in order that science may not be a two-edged sword, the Prophet of God (pbuh)called for God- liness in t e scientist's service, when he said:

"SCIENCE IS FEAR OF GOD AND PIETY"

"WHOEVER SEEKS SCIENCE TO OUTSHINE OTHER SCIENTISTS IN GLORY OR TO ENTER INTO CONTROVERSIES WITH THE FOOLISH OR TO ATTRACT THE ATTENTION OF PEOPLE TOWARDS HIM, HE WILL BE CAST INTO HELL" (6-11).

8. I spite of Islam's clear concern for medicine, there is needed a clarification of the relationship between the Qur'an and medical science. The Qur'an is not a book on medicine or astronomy, as some of its enmies try to find contradictions of these sciences. The substance of the Qur'an is greater than such incomplete informalion, forithe scope of the Qur'an's activity is man himself: his faith, feelings, works a d relation to his Creator and his environment. The Qur'an corrects and restores validity to his conceptions and hypothesis about life and sets him on the true path, so that he may use his energies including his intellectual faculties in scientific research within the bounds legally permitted to man. Likewise, he t eats the physical body of human society which in turn allows him to best use his energies with his God given talents.

The Holy Qur'an is a book of right guidance aiming at the formation of a Muslim society which will establish God's message of truth on earth. The Sunna (the body of legal precedents found in the sayings and doings of the Prophet (pbuh) , which is considered to be an elucidation and practical application of the Qur'an has dealt with such practical aspects of medicine as concern the welfare of Muslim society, as ill be shown later in this essay.

The Apostle of God was not a physician nor did he claim for himself any aptitude for curing illness. Rather, e told sick people:  "SEND FOR A PHYSICIAN"

Mor precisely, the Qur'an and the Sunna have laid the broad lines for legislation in the various spheres f life, without entering into details. The Qur'an and Sunna have established the basic patterns within th bounds of which ijtihad (formulation of judgements in theological and legal questions) is possible, in rder to harmonize Islamic law with every age and place, for the furtherance of the common good an the avoidance of harm.

9. If some expressions such as "Islamic Medicine" and "Prophetic Medicine" occur, this does not mean th medicine as practiced in the world today, is unIslamic. These terms are intended to perpetuate the cultural heritage of the Islamic world in the age when the Islamic state was in the full flower of its achievements. This flowering was reflected in the various sciences including medicine. It was, further more, a true renaissance which benefitted from what it had inherited from previous eras, debated it, refine it and added to it the essential substance of its experience and creative endeavour. This renaissance then published the renewed and augmented science for the world in the best possible form at that time. The credit for all the stages of this development belongs to Islani. In the phase of translation, th driving impulse was as it has been said, that:"WISDOM IS THE LOST TREASURE OF THE BELIEVER: HE SEEKS IT WHEREVER HE MAY FIND IT".

In th phase of mature formulation and inventive production proper, the motivating impulse was that Islam refuses to monopolize human achievements in any field. Therefore, this knowledge had to be made available to all. Now, after the centuries of cultural stagnation and the fragmentation of the Islamic body politic into the various regional entities, advantage must be taken of medical knowledge which others have perfected. Islamic medicine must catch up fully. Remembrance of the glorious accomplishments the past must provide the spur for the achievements of the future and not a reason for pausing at the level already reached. Islam accepts all valid and beneficial science. The Prophet  (pbuh) has blessed such learning. He has encouraged specialists in the life sciences and has refused to bind them to anyone commandment, when he declares: 'YOU ARE MORE KNOWLEDGEABLE IN THE AFFAIRS OF THE WORLD"

 

II.  ISLAM AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION
Islam honors professional work for the sake of legitimate gain. The Prophet (pbuh) has said:

"THE FINEST NOURISHMENT A MAN EATS IS THAT EARNED BY HIS OWN HAND" (1-6)

Medicine is a profession practiced for legal gain which has been commended by the Prophet (pbuh) :

"BLESSINGS UPON A GOD'S SERVANT WHO IS A CUPPER" (4-6)

It was reported that He Himself (pbuh) was cupped and gave the cupper his professional fee.

2. By his lawful work, the Muslim has the reward of worship. The Prophet (pbuh) brought a young man back from the Jihad (Holy War), so that he might provide a living for his aged parents. He said to him: "Wage the Holy struggle for them", indicating that work at home should be worship through which his true goo intention would be fully valid by being directed to God's favor. The Prophet [pbuh] has said:-

"HE WHO SEEKS THE FACE OF GOD (IN ALL WHAT HE DOES)- ALL HIS SLEEPING AND WAKING HAVE THEIR REWARD" (3-5)

3. In this cause, Islam calls the Muslim physician to proceed in his madical practice in accordance with three ru es:

(a) To remove what is harmful from the Muslim community by providing the basic elements of good h giene for the society. The Prophet (pbuh) says:

"ONE TRUE BELIEVER WITH OTHER TRUE BELIEVERS- THEY ARE LIKE THE BRICKS OF A WALL RE-ENFORCING ONE ANOTHER"

The physician, in the area of his competence, is required to offer his work and the blessings flowing herefrom for the good of the Muslim Community. In the Prophet's (pbuh) words:

 "REMOVE HARM FROM THE PATHS OF MOSLEMS"
"GOD ABHORS THE INJURY OF ANY MOSLEM".

(b) To perform the duty of brotherhood in God towards one's ailing Muslim brother. From the collecte traditions of the Prophet (pbuh) :"A MUSLIM IS THE BROTHER OF A MUSLIM: HE NEITHER OPPRESSES HIM NOR HUMILIATES HIM. WHOEVER RELIEVES ANY DISTRESS OF A MOSLEM IN THIS WORLD, GOD WILL ALSO RELIEVE HIM IN THE LAST DAY AND WHOEVER GUARDS THE SECRET OF A MOSLEM, GOD WILL GUARD HIS SECRET ON RESURRECTION DAY, AND WHOEVER WALKS THAT PATH IN SEARCH OF KNOWLEDGE, GOD WILL EASE HIS WAY TO PARADISE"2-3-4)

Thus the aim of the physician to relieve the pains of the sick is nobler than the desire for gain or earlier reward by virtue of his delight in the skills of his profession.

(c) Human compassion extending to all humanity, Muslims and non-Muslims, extends indeed to all living reatures. As the Prophet (pbuh) has said:

"YOU WILL HAVE REWARD FOR MERCY SHOWN TO EVERY LIVING BEING".

Again in the Prophet's (pbuh) words:

"YOU WILL NOT TRUELY BELIEVE UNTIL YOU HAVE BECOME COMPASSIONATE" Companions said: "O, APOSTLE OF GOD, ALL OF US ARE COM- PASSIONATE". whereupon He (pbuh) replied: "COMPASSION IS NOT FOR A MAN TO SHOW MERCY ONLY TO HIS PEOPLE. HE MUST BE COMPASSIONATE TO ALL MANKIND"

The Physician's position in the process of healing is to be an instrument of divine mercy and a vehicle by which God may relieve pains. When Abu Ramthah said to the Prophet (pbuh) : "Let me heal your
illness", the Prophet (Pbuh) replied:

"YOU ARE A FRIEND. GOD IS THE PHYSICIAN".

This saying places the physician in continuing contact with God, as he asks Him for success in his work. Likewise, it keeps him from professional conceit when he is successful in his work. It encom- passes his work but removes the element of gain.

III- THE ISLAMIC VIEW OF ILLNESS
Islam recognized illness as an unnatural condition afflicting certain organs of the body. The Prophet (pbuh) said to Salad b Abi Waggas when he was suffering from a heart ailment:

"YOU ARE A MAN STRIKEN WITH HEART DISEASE. THEREFORE FETCH AL- -HARITH B.KELDAH, THE BROTHER OF THAKIF -FOR HE IS A MAN WHO PRACTICES MEDICINE".

Thus disease does not result from demons, stars or evil spirits. In this regard, Islam has forbidden all pra tices based on erroneous beliefs such divination of evil omens, the wearing of magic amulets, fortune telling and the like. In a tradition, the Prophet (pbuh) says:WHOEVER WEARS AN AMULET HAS RELAPSED INTO POL YTHEISM". WHOEVER GOES TO A FORTUNE TELLER OR A DIVINER AND ASKS HIM ABOUT ANYTHING, HIS PRAYERS EXTENDING TO 40 NIGHTS WILL NOT BE ACCEPTED". "WHOEVER GOES TO A FORTUNE TELLER OR A SOOTHSAYER AND HAS BELIEVED WHAT HE SAID, HAS BECOME A NON-BELIEVER IN THE REVELATION RECEIVED BY MOHAMMAD( ;i;;). " LET THERE BE NO READING OF EVIL OMENS. PLEASING TO ME ARE WHOLESOME INTERPRETATION OF GOOD SIGNS AND THE GOOD WORD". "MAGIC SPELLS, AMULETS AND THE LIKE ARE POLYTHEISM"..

2. Islam does not specify symptoms and causes of diseases, as we understand them today, becau e human civilization had not yet gleaned this information. Nonetheless, precise directives were aimed at th well being of Muslim society, as the Prophet (pbuh) mentioned contagion, a healthy environment, nu rition and personal cleanliness. Such prescriptions do not differ from what scientists tell us nowadays i their knowledge of the causes and cures of diseases. The tradition of the Prophet (pbuh) , regarding pi gue is none other than the modern quarantine for contagious diseases but without mention of the infecti us agent, "the microbe" or of the method of contagion:
PLAGUE IS THE SIGN OF A CALAMITY WITH WHICH ALLAH THE EXALTED AND GLORIOUS, AFFECTS PEOPLE FROM HIS SERVANTS. SO WHEN YOU HEAR ABOUT IT, DON'T ENTER THERE AND WHEN IT HAS BROKEN OUT IN A LAND AND YOU WERE THERE, THEN DON'T RUN AWAY FROM IT".(1-2)

3. The uslim is required to protect his health, just as society is obliged to preserve itself against disease and further, to furnish positive health measures in their modern sense. God, the most high, said:

 "TRUELY THE BEST OF MEN FOR THEE TO EMPLOY IS THE (MAN) WHO IS STRONG AND TRUSTWORTHY (Quran 5.28: V.26).

The Prophet (pbuh) said:

"IF A MAN HAS ONLY HIS ISLAM AND HIS HEALTH IT IS SUFFICIENT FOR HIM". Nor is t is strange for the believer whose faith is sound and steadfast, is most strong in fulfilling the message wh ch God has entrusted to man, to live thereby on earth, carrying out God's trust. The Qur'an ensures tho e unbelievers who want to live a life, for the sake of life alone.

THOU WIL T INDEED FIND THEM OF ALL PEOPLE, MOST GREEDY OF LIFE, EVEN MORE THAN THE IDOLATERS, EACH ONE OF THEM WISHES HE COULD BE GIVEN A LIFE OF A THOUSAND YEARS: BUT THE GRANT OF SUCH LIFE WILL NOT SAVE HIM FROM (DUE) PUNISHMENT FOR GOD SEES WELL ALL THAT THEY DO ( Quran S2: V .96)

Islam does not accept that the Umma (the Universal Community of Islam) of Muslims should be the flotsam and etsam of humanity, as though cast up by the tide, to live on the fringes of life in physical and mental ant. To die, would be preferable to such a life.

4. Inde d aversion to illness is a natural phenomenon which Islam accepts. So when Abul Darda said to the rophet (pbuh) :"THAT I SHOULD BE HEALED ANDGIVE THANKS IS PREFERABLE TO MYSOUL THAN THAT SHOULD SUF ER ILLNESS AND BEAR IT PATIENTLY". ThePropher (pbuh) replied:GOD ALSO LOVES WELL BEING".Likewise the Prop et (pbuh) said:
ASK GOD FOR HEALTH, FOR NO ONE IS GIVEN ANYTHING BETTER FOR CERTAIN THAN GOOD HEALTH"

5. But when illness does occur, the Muslim is more able to accept this painful reality with a patience springing from his belief in the theory of tribulation. Illness is not the wrath of God nor punishment from Heaven, but rather it is an ordeal which brings expiation for sins. It raises the patient to a higher rank among believers, if the Muslim accepts it with patience and in anticipation of a reward in the hereafter. In he Prophet's (pbuh) words: "NEVER A BELIEVER IS STRICKEN WITH DISCOMFORT, HARDSHIP, ILLNESS, GRIEF OR EVEN WITH MENTAL WORRY THAT HIS SINS ARE NOT EXPIATED FOR HIM". (1-2-8)

6. There is another aspect in which Islam is distinguished in its attitude towards sickness. This aspec , if initially it is concerned with the physician's conduct and attitude, is nonetheless in the final analy is, a type of psychological healing which we must classify within the realm of religion rather than in the humanities or in the moral sciences, The patient has the right toward the healthy namely, the right to he isited.

Then as he has a right to physician; he has the right to medical treatment. These rights stem from the st ict certainty upon which the traditions of the Prophet (pbuh) focus regarding visiting patients to what is sim lar to duty. These rights are among those of one Muslim upon a brother Muslim. They are not simply a matter of relieving him and a relationship with him, but it is also a relation with God. In the sac- red tr dition the Prophet (pbuh) said:
"VERILY, ALLAH, THE EXALTED AND GLORIOUS, WOULD SAY ON THE DAY OF RESURRECTION: O SON OF ADAM, I WAS SICK BUT YOU DID NOT VISIT ME". HE WOULD SAY: O MY LORD, HOW COULD I VISIT THEE WHERE AS THOU ART THE LORD OF THE WORLDS? THEREUPON ALLAH WOULD SAY: "DIDN'T YOU KNOW THAT SUCH AND SUCH SERVANT OF MINE WAS SICK BUT YOU DID NOT VISIT HIM AND WERE YOU NOT AWARE OF THIS THAT IF YOU HAVE VISITED HIM, YOU WOULD HAvE FOUND ME BY HIM".

Thus the sick person is close to God, even as the Prophet (pbuh) says:
"VISIT THE SICK AND ASK THEM TO PRAY (CALL) FOR YOU; FOR THE PRAYER (CALL) OF THE SICK IS ANSWERED AND HIS SINS ARE FORGIVEN" again He (pbuh) says: "IF YOU ENTER AND VISIT AN AILING PERSON, BID HIM TO CALL TO YOU, FOR HIS CALL IS AS THE CALL OF ANGELS".

7 .By this philosophy, the sick person is able to hold fast and to endure.. A physical disease should not b a factor causing psychological disease or psychosomatic upsets. Steadfastness of spirit often helps the healing of the original disease.

8. Derivin.g from this philosophy is the fact that crises in health, no matter how severe, do not lead the M slim to consider putting an end to his life. It is not conceivable, besides not being permitted, for a Musli to wish for death. On the authority of Anas b.Malik, it is recorded of the Prophet (pbuh):
"NONE OF YOU SHOULD MAKE A REQUEST FOR DEATH BECAUSE OF THE TROUBLE IN WHICH HE IS INVOLVED, BUT IF THERE IS NO OTHER HELP TO IT, THEN SAY:O ALLAH,KEEP ME ALIVE AS LONG AS THERE IS GOODNESS IN LIFE FOR ME AND BRING DEATH TO ME WHEN THERE IS GOODNESS IN DEATH FOR ME"(1-2)

9. Islam has granted an ailing person exemption from the obligations of Shari'a (law); as dictated by necessity. In the Our'an, it is written: AND THERE IS NO FAUL T IN ONE AFFLICTED WITH ILLNESS" (Ouran 5.24: V.61 )

Thus gold may be used in reconstructive therapeutic procedures as the Prophet (pbuh) commanded Arfaga. Similarly, silk may be used in skin diseases, as the Prophet (pbuh) allowed 'Abdul Rahman b' Auf and al-Zuba r b' al-Awam to wear silk when suffering from itching, even though the wearing of gold and silk are nor ally forbidden to men.

IV -THE VIEW OF ISLAM TOWARDS PREVENTIVE MEDICINE AND CURE

1. Islam calls for the applications of the three levels of health care, to wit: preventive medicine, therapy and rehabilitation.

2. Inas uch as preventive medicine aims to reinforce positive good health, Islam accords special importance t it. For the sound Muslim society is thus better equipped to shoulder God's trusteeship and to perform od's mission on earth. In this regard, we find the prophetic traditions characterized by a note of aim st compulsion. The traditions of the Prophet (pbuh) deal with curative medicine in their customary man er of legislting the ground rules of Shari'a, that is, by laying the basic principles to guarantee that the roper course would be following, without going into details.

3. In th sphere of environment, we find that the Prophet (pbuh) has provided a splendid model to bind every uslim to the Umma of Islam. This is the responsibility of every individual for the wellbeing of society and he obligation of every believer for his brother's welfare, exactly like his obligation to himself. The Our'an as laid down the basic principle.

THE BELIEVERS ARE BUT A SINGLE BROTHERHOOD! SO MAKE PEACE AND RECONCILIATION BETWEEN YOUR TWO BROTHERS. (Ouran 5.49: V.l0)

The Prophet (pbuh)has said: 'NO ONE OF YOU BELIEVES UNTIL HE LOVES FOR HIS BROTHER WHAT HE LOVES FOR HIMSELF". (1-2)

again He (pbuh) said: .'ONE MUSLIM IS TO ANOTHER MUSLIM, AS AND THE SAME BODY IF ONE MEMBER SUFFERS, ALL THE OTHER MEMBERS LAPSE INTO INSOMNIA AND FEVERISHNESS".

To car the case further, the maintenance of one's own personal health is not enough. It is also our bounded duty to strive for a healthy environment. This point is embodied in various traditions."GOD BEING GOOD LOVES THE GOOD. GOD BEING CLEAN LIKES CLEANLINESS. GOD BEING GENEROUS LOVES GENEROSITY. GOD BEING MUNIFICIANT LIKES MUNIFICANCE. THEREFORE, CLEAN YOUR HALLS AND COURTYARDS"

"LOOK TO WHATEVER HARMS PEOPLE AND REMOVE IT".  "YOU SHOULD NOT PASS URINE IN STAGNANT WATER". (1-2)

4. In th realm of the prevention of contagious diseases, the Prophet (pbuh) advises restrictions on them vements of the patient by saying: "A DISEASE CARRIER SHOULD NOT INTRODUCE HIMSELF TO A HEALTHY PERSON, THE HEALTHY CAN ATTEND WHEREVER HE WANTS"

Indeed the Muslim is required to keep the rules of quarantine in cases of plague, even though, by doin 0, it might lead to sacrificing his own life. The Prophet (pbuh) said: "THE PLAGUE IS MARTYRDOM FOR ANY MUSLIM", (1-2)

With regard to personal cleanliness ritual purity of body is a condition for entry to Islam and clea ess is a condition for the most important pillar of Islam, namely prayer. Concerning the importance of teeth and its influence on the various bodily organs, Islam has made dental care almost com- puis. In a saying of the Prophet (pbuh) : "WERE IT NOT THAT I MIGHT OVER-BURDEN THE BELIEVERS I WOULD HAVE ORDERED THEM TO USE MISWAK AT EVERY TIME OF PRAYER" (1-2-8-11 )

Many traditions deal with cleanliness of food and dishes.

6. On the subject of safety and accident prevention, Islam has established a basic field of law which did no crystalizeiuntil the later decades of our present century. Every accident has a cause. To avoid accide ts, the Muslim must remove their causes and protect himself. The Quran states: "AND MAKE NOT YOUR OWN HANDS CONTRIBUTE TO (YOUR) DESTRUCTION (Quran 8.2: V.195)

"NOR KILL (OR DESTROY) YOURSELVES: FOR VERILY GOD HATH BEEN TO YOU MOST MERCIFUL (Quran 8,4: V.29)

The Prophet (pbuh) says: "DO NOT LEAVE FIRE IN YOUR HOUSES WHEN YOU SLEEP". (1-2-8)

Then to Abu Dharr He (pbuh) said: YOUR GUIDANCE OF A MAN IN A PLACE WHERE HE IS LOST IS ALMS; AND TO REMOVE STONES, THORNS OR BONES FROM THE WAY WILL BE COUNTED AS ALMS FOR YOU".

7. In the area of curative medicine, Islam has commanded healing in a clear and decisive ordinance. The Muslim is no fatalist, neglecting medicine and abandoning himself to fate. Quite the opposite, it is c mpulsory for him to use medicine, which God has provided as a means of cure. When a man asked he Prophet about a medicine whereby he might be healed, wondering whether by doing so, he would e rejecting the decrees of Providence, the Prophet (pbuh) replied: "IT IS GOD'S DIVINE DECREE".'

A other well known tradition of the Prophet (pbuh) states on the subject of healing: "THERE IS A REMEDY FOR EVERY MALADY AND WHEN THE REMEDY IS APPLIED TO THE DISEASE IT IS CURED WITH THE PERMISSION OF ALLAH, THE EXALTED AND GLORIOUS".

"O, SERVANTS OF GODI SEEK THE MEDICAL TREATMENT. GOD HAS PUT A REMEDY FOR EVERY MALADY, CLEAR TO WHOEVER KNOWS IT AND UNCLEAR TO WHOEVER DOES NOT KNOW IT".

These lear instructions have altered human understanding of disease and its cure. They have put an end to p evalent superstitions of illness and cures. They have set men on the right track in search of illnesses an their cures so that they may know what they had not known before.

8- Pur uing further the correct definition of the course of curative medicine, the Apostle (pbuh) of God called f r respect of specialization in the branches of medicine. For He summoned al-Harith b. Kilda to the man uttering from heart diseases. Again when He had sent for two physicians to cure a sick man. He ask d them,

"WHICH OF YOU IS THE MORE SKILLED PHYSICIAN IN TREATING THIS ALIMENT?"

So that t e patient might receive the most expert treatment.

9. In th time of the Prophet ((pbuh), there were certain medicines prevalent which naturally he used during his illnesses like anyone else. From this, some historians began to use the term, "Prophetic medicine". ith the passage of time, there appeared a tendency to consider Holy everything the Prophet (pbuh) did wh ther it concerned food or drink or healing and to imitate religiously his pattern, even though prophetic tr dition is clear in stating that he commanded observance of what was revealed to him through divin inspiration. As for his worldly habits and practices not related to doctrine, however, private judgement a to their use was recommended, within the framework prescribed by Islam.

Islam d es not prescribe that a Muslim should avoid the use of a new medicine simply because the Prophet (pbuh) had not used it, because it did not exist during his time. This writer maintains that the Prophet's tr itions concerning healing follow a general pattern for the legislation of Shari'a which provides a broa framework of general principles. When the Apostle of God learned that a certain lady was using an irrit ting substance as a laxative, He advised her to use senna.

It is thu clear that the Prophet (pbuh) aimed to lay a general foundation for healing by non-harmful substances r by the least harmful substances.

We see hen, that the Prophet (pbuh) was close to formalizing laws regarding preventive medicine and to the rejecti n of anything harmful to Muslims. He tended to lay down broad guidelines which were in harmony with the spirit of Islam in the area of healing.

As for r habilitation and corrective therapy, Islam strives to prevent incapacity due to disease. Islam accustoms Muslims not to succumb to poor health, but rather to pray even if only with the eyelid. All are required to w rk according to their capacity .As the tradition states: 'WORK: FOR EVERYONE WILL FIND HIS WAY MADE EASY IN WHAT GOD HAS CREATED HIM FOR". (1-2) Islam does n t accept that a Muslim should live financially dependent on others, as the tradition says: "THE UPPER HAND IS BETTER THAN THE LOWER HAND (THE UPPER WHICH BESTOWS AND THE LOWER WHICH BEGS)"

Thus in the field of reconstructive surgery, Islam allows the use of gold even though it was forbidden to men. Practices which deform a person's body or alter his comely appearance, however, such as tattoing,th se Islam has forbidden in the saying:

"MAY GOD CURSE THOSE WHO TATTOO".

Formerly, some people used to bread away part of their teeth if they stuck out, for cosmetic purposes. doing so, they removed the protective enamel from the surface of the teeth, causing decay for the sa of beauty. The Prophet (pbuh) forbade this when He said: "MAY GOD CURSE THOSE WHO FILE TEETH AND THOSE WHO SEEK TO HAVE THEIR TEETH FILED".

Yet auifor surgery for cosmetic purposes where there is no known arm, then the operation falls under the general ruling:

 "GOD BEING GOOD, LOVES THE GOOD".

Mu lim women are asked to appear in their most beautiful form before their husband's eyes.

V - ISLAM AND THE ETHICS OF THE MEDICAL PRACTICE
     1. here should be no separate category of "professional ethics" in the domain of the general morality whi h typifies. the behaviour of every Muslim. Islam aims to create the Muslim personality right from infancy, since Islamic character is part and parcel of the individual and his nature. It is the duty of family, school nd state to provide the suitable environment in which moral corruption is not the order of the day and where the ideal followed is the word of God Most High .

AND THOUGH (STANDESn ON AN EXALTED STANDARD OF CHARACTER (Ouran S.68: V.4)

In t is manner, the younger generation may grow up smoothly, with a dispostion instinctively pure without contradictions. He finds before him the path of goodness easy. Hence the word of God Most High be omes a human reality .

The Muslim physician is the one who shoulders the trusteeship of Islam first and foremost and keeps t e trust of safeguarding the good health of all Muslims and of warding off all harmful disease. For him in particular, it is most appropriate that his upbringing and education be Islamic and that his behavio should be modelled after the Prophet Mohammad (pbuh). When 'Aisha, the Prophet's wife was asked a out His moral principles, she said:
     "HIS MORAL PRINCIPLES WERE (COINCIDENT WITH) QURAN".

Thus adherence to the moral principles of Islam is to be part of the nature of the physician which he applies in his daily life without affectation, openly and before all. We may mention the story of the teacher who said to his young pupil, "kill this bird somewhere where no one will see you". The youngster disa peared for a while, but came back with the bird still alive. He said to the teacher, " found no place where I could be entirely alone, because whereve I hid, I felt that God was with me".

The M slim physician senses that all his practice and dealings are with God; and that he keeps constant su eillance over him.
    LEARN: ONE SITTING ON THE RIGHT AND ONE ON THE LEFT
                                                                                         (Quran S.50: V. 17)

He fear God in all his dealings with God's creatures. When he recalls the words of God's Apostle.(pbuh) "A WOMAN WAS PUNISHED BECAUSE SHE HAD KEPT A CAT TIED UNTIL IT DIED". (1-8-11 ).

His perception of all living creatures will be through the eyes of compassion. It is, therefore, most fitting that h should be compassionate towards man, the most excellent of God's creature, whom God has honoured and made his representative on earth . 

Since t e time of Hippocrates, it has been the custom for a physician to commence his career by repeating th oath which binds him to ethical behavior in the exercise of his profession.

The pr blem of professional ethics is not solved by an oath nor can .it be adequately dealt with as a required co rse of study in a program of clinical training. Legal rulings laid down by a medical union or a positive con titution cannot regulate the ethics of physicians. The cure of a patient carries moral responsibilities. In is daily practice, the physician will be faced by numerous situations requiring him to consult his conscie ce, Here his decisions will be affected by the degree of his commitment of the Lord. His judgement ill emanate from the words of the Apostle ( m) of God.

"VIRTUE IS A KIND DISPOSITION AND VICE IS WHAT RANKLES IN YOUR MIND AND THAT YOU DISAPPROVE OF ITS BEING KNOWN TO THE PEOPLE".

The concept of duty in Islam is that one should not work for man but for God:
  SURELY, MY PRAYER AND MY SERVICE OF SACRIFICE, MY LIFE AND DEATH  ARE (ALL) FOR GOD, THE CHERISHER OF WORLDS (Quran S.6: V.162)

2. Under this fundamental code may be ranked all the virtues and ethical principles which the Quran and t e blessed Prophet (pbuh) have enjoined. They include the following ideals:

a) Patience:
AND BE STEADFAST IN PATIENCE FOR VERILY GOD WILL NOT SUFFER THE REWARD OF THE RIGHTEOUS TO PERI~.H (Ouran S. 11: V. 115)

b) The right path: DO GOOD; FOR GOD LOVETH THOSE WHO DO GOOD (Ouran S.2: V. 195)

c) A radiant countenance:
"GOOD DEED, RADIANT COUNTENANCE AND FORBEARANCE ARE ELEMENTS OF THE CHARACTERISTIC TRAITS OF PROPHETHOOD" (3-4)

d) Goodly words:
 "CHARITABLE WORDS ARE ALMS".

e) Smiling:
"SMILING BEFORE YOUR BROTHER IS COUNTED AS ALMS",

f) Pudency (honest shyness):
"EVERY RELIGION HAS ITS ETHIC: THE UNDERLYING ETHIC OF ISLAM IS PUDENCY". (6-7)

g) Compassion:
"GOD SHOWS COMPASSION ONLY TO THOSE OF HIS SERVANTS WHO ARE COMPASSIONATE".

h) Kindliness:
"NO MOSLEM IS ALLOWED TO FRIGHTEN A MOSLEM". (3-8)

i) Modesty:
"WHOEVER LOVES OTHERS TO RISE WHEN HE ENTERS WILL OCCUPY HIS PLACE IN HELL FIRE". (3-4)

j) Good companionship:
"DO NOT BEFRIEND ANYONE EXCEPT A BELIEVER AND LET NO ONE  EAT YOUR FOOD EXCEPT A GODFEARING MAN (4-8)

3. There are, however, some special ethical aspects which touch a physician's work more than the work of others and oblige him always to remember Islam's judgement concerning them. There are instance involving the patient-doctor relationship.

a) Decently averting the eyes. As the Quran states:
"SAY TO THE BELEIVING MEN THAT THEY SHOULD LOWER THEIR GAZE AND GUARD THEIR MODESTY THAT WILL MAKE FOR GREATER PURITY FOR THEM. (Quran 5.24: V.30)

Permission to examine a person's private parts does not provide a justification for lack of res ect due to every Muslim. The physician must examine what is required. In such situations, a ph sician's honourable modesty gives the patient more confidence in his physician.

b) It is not allowed to inform a patient of the gravity of his illness if the physician despairs of the possibility of healing. Illness is one of the instances where Islam has allowed concealment of the truth. As the Apostle of God (pbuh) said: "WHEN YOU VISIT A PATIENT IMPRESS UPON HIM THAT HE WILL LIVE A LONG TIME, '1HIS WILL NOT CHANGE MATTERS BUT IT WILL SOOTHE HIM". (4-6)

c) In application of the Sharia's ruling: "THERE SHALL BE NO HARMING, INJURY OR HURTING OF ONE MAN BY ANOTHER IN THE FIRST INSTANCE NOR IN RETURN OR INREQUIRAL".(3-8-11)

The physician must inform the patient in the case of a contagious disease. He must require hi to be quarantined to prevent other Muslims from infection. There is obviously a difference between the patient's losing hope of recovery and his knowledge that he is a potential source of contagion for others and must therefore, isolate himself. If the welfare of the community is opposed to the fe lings of the individual, then the welfare of the community must come first.

When the Apostle of God (pbuh) learnt that a man stricken with leprosy was coming to swear allegi nce to Him on the side of Islam, He sent a message to him saying: "GO BACK, WE HAVE ALREADY ACCEPTED YOUR ALLEGIANCE".

d) In his practice, the physician is exposed to the secrets of the patient. He is, therefore, honourbound to keep his trust under Islam in this respect.

"WHOEVER GUARDS THE SECRET OF A MOSLEM, GOD WILL GUARD HIS SECRET IN THIS LIFE AND ON RESURRECTION DA Y".

If a patient consults him, let him keep strict confidentiality in the counsel he offers and the matt he has been consulted about. The Prophet (pbuh) has said: "THE MAN CONSULTED IS A DEEPER OF CONFIDENCE". (3-4-11)

 f) A female nurse must attend the examination of female patient by a male physician or else an im ediate relative of the patient must be present. This is an application of the Prophet's (pbuh) aying: "NO MAN IS ALLOWED TO BE ALONE WITH A WOMAN EXCEPT IN THE PRESENCE OF A CLOSEST RELATIVE".'

4. Ano her aspect of the physician's conduct is referred to as "Islamiyat" (specific Islamic observances attit des and ethical principles) pertaining to the medical practice.

a) Beginning a medical examination or treatment with mention of God's name, for which there exist n merous values...
- Invocation of God's assistance for the successful outcome of the consultation or treatment.
In the words of the Prophet (pbuh): "ANY ACT OF SIGNIFICANCE NOT BEGUN IN THE NAME OF GOD WILL BE RENDERED INCOMPLETE".

Consciousness of his role as an agent in the implementation of God's work of healing. Such is the ttitude of service and worship to God.  Directing his work to God until the patient has recovered.Giving the patient a spiritual uplift and moral courage whenever he is in a critical state Psychologically.

BUT TEACH (THE MESSAGE) FOR TEACHING BENEFITS THE BELIEVERS (Quran 5.51: V. 55)

b) In the eventuality of a patient's death, the physician must, in his capacity as a Muslim, even before being a doctor recite the Muslim credo as the Prophet (pbuh) has prescribed:

"EAHORT TO RECITE THERE IS NO GOD BUT ALLAH TO THOSE OF YOUWHO ARE DYING".

c) Avoidance of that which God has forbidden in healing, in observance of the Prophet's (pbuh) instructions:

"GOD DOES NOT PLACE YOUR CURE IN WHAT HE HAS FORBIDDEN YOU"
In modern medicine, there is a permissible substitute for every prohibited cure.

d) Avoidance of prohibited practices, such as abortion and tattooing. In the words of the Pro het (pbuh):

"MAY GOD CURSE THOSE WHO TATTOO, THOSE WHO SEEK FOR TAT- TOOING THOSE WHO FILE THEIR TEETH AND THOSE WHO SEEK TO HAVE THEIR TEETH FILED".

e) The physician should not embark upon a treatment without being entirely confident in his cap city to carry it through competently. As the Prophet (pbuh) said:

NO MAN IS WISE EXCEPT THROUGH EXPERIENCE". (1-4 )

He respects professional specialization in keeping with the Prophet's (pbuh) words:

"WHOEVER PRACTISES MEDICAL TREATMENT WITHOUT BEING KNOWN TO
 POSSESS THE REQUISITE EXPERIENCE WOULD BE RESPONSIBLE FOR THE
LOSS SUFFERED BY THE PATIENT".

f) He should maintain his scientific competence by constant learning and teaching, for his pro- fess on reaches beyond him to others and his knowledge is for application. As the Prophet (pbuh) said:

"WISDOM IS THE LOST TREASURE OF THE BELIEVER: HE SEEKS IT WHEREVER HE MAY FIND IT".

He must deal with his medical colleagues in accordance with Islamic teachings. He shall avoi backbiting and disparagement of others:

"NEITHER NURSE MUTUAL HATRED, NOR- JEALOUSY, NOR ENEMITY AND BECOME AS FELLOW BROTHERS".

He shall offer advice to those who need it. "RELIGION IS COUNSEL". (1-2)
He shall endeavor to instruct his less experienced colleagues".
"I RECOMMEND YOUR GENEROUS CARE ANY MEN WHO MIGHT COME FROM
THE EAST TO LEARN OF YOU".

He shall not Lord it over a younger colleague:

"THOSE WHO ARE NOT COMPASSIONATE TO THE YOUNG AND DO NOT RESPECT OUR ELDERS, DO NOT BELONG TO US". (3-4 )
By his knowledge, he shall benefit any sick person whom he can help. As the Prophet (pbuh) said:

"O MY GOD, I REFRAIN FROM ANY SCIENCE WHICH DOES NOT BRING BENEFIT TO PEOPLE"... "WHOEVER CONCEALS KNOWLEDGE FROM HIS PEOPLE WILL BE BRIDLED WITH A BIT OF FIRE ON JUDGEMENT DAY". (11 )

i) His discoveries of new cures shall be made public. He shall not monopolize his new methods of healing for purposes of gain. As the Prophet (pbuh) stated:

"NO ONE MONOPOLIZES EXCEPT A SINNER"

j) He shall respect the sacred honor of the dead as of the living. Addressing the Ka'ba the Prophet (pbuh) said: "THE BELIEVER HAS A RIGHT OF INVIOLABILITY GREATER THAN THAT GIVEN TO YOU (Ka'ba)"."
Of the honor of the dead, He (pbuh) said: "THE GUILT OF BREAKING THE BONES OF A DEAD MAN IS EQUAL TO THE GUILT OF BREAKING THE BONES OF A LIVING MAN". (6-7)

The horizons of Islamic teaching encor..oass all good practice which aims at human wellbeing, in situations here no clear text applies. Islam then gives the Muslim physician the possibility of acting in accordance with the benefit of humanity .

There a growing need for physicians to be closer to God and increasingly committed to His revealed rd and the life and sayings of His blessed Prophet (pbuh) upon whom be blessings and peace.

REFERENCESE:

             All cited fro the Holy Quran and Hadith.
             -Holy Qura : (Sura = S and Verse = V)
             -Hadith:
              1 .Al-Jamil Sahih of Albukhari
              2. The Sahh of Muslem
              3. The Kitab Al-Sunan of Abu Dawud
              4. The Jami'i Al-Sahih of Al- Tirmidhi
              5. The Kitab Al-Sunan of Al-Nasa'i
              6. The Kitab Al-Sunan of Ibn Maja
              7. The Muwatta'a of Malik
              8. The Musnad of Ahmad Ibn Hanbal
              9. The Moajam of Al- Tabarani
             10. The Sahih of Al-Darmi
             11 .The Jami'i Al-Saghir of Al-Suyooti
             12. The Mustadrak of Al-Hakim
             13. The Musnad of Al-Bazzar .'"
             14. Al- Taj Al Jami'i Lelysool in the traditions of the Messenger (pbuh)

 

 

THE ISLAMIC MEDICINE:
ITS ROLE IN THE WESTERN RENAISSANCE

Hijazi Abdul Rahim
Lebanon, France

At the end of the fifteenth century, an intellectual, cultural and scientific movement covered the whole of Europe and the Renaissance originated from it. The medical science belongs to this movement. It played an important role, thanks to many medical schools, which were established in Europe.

The Islamic medicine played a decisive role in the establishment and in the development of the Europe an schools, more particularly in Salerno to the South of Italy and in Montpellier and Paris in France.

Nevertheless, the greater part of the French historic works do not know the role played by the Islamic medicine, as well as its scientific and historic importance. Few historians note the role played by the Arab medicine in the establishment of the Salernitan School and of the school of Montpellier. On the other and, most authors concur in the denial of the existence of an Islamic medicine in the basic meaning of the word. They admit, that the Arabs have translated Greek and Indian works and that they have transmitted them later on to Europe through Spain.

In the medical and pharmaceutic history of Laignel- Lavastine and in the chapter about the Islamic medicine', the author Sanjurjo D'arellano says, "there is strictly speaking no Arab medicine but an abundant compilation written in Arab by Persians, Jews or Christians". Darembers, points out: "more ver, after so to speak replacing the Greek dress by the Arab dress, the science still was Galenic throug the doctrines, as the Arab medicine as a whole is only a translation or a travesty of the Greek medicine". Bareiety and Courych think, "The main but not the only merit of the Arab medicine is the keepin and the transmission of many Greek and even Latin texts, which had been forgotton or lost during th first half of the Middle Ages". Castiglioni , "with the penetration of the Arab streams, the old tradition Italic origin, which blends with the Greek medicine wearing new clothes, still holds good". Reuter de Ro emont5, ' 'the works of the Arabs can be regarded as the compilation of Dioscorides, of Galen and of the ones known at this time". Alexander Aimes6, "the Byzantine school knew compilers only... It will no reappear before the tenth century through Rhazes and Avicenna, Abulcassis (twelfth century) and A enzoar (thirteenth century) whose great merit was to transmit the works of the Greeks to the Salerni an School". Barbillon, "the inferiority of the Arab Science is obvious. Servility, fanaticism and supers ition prevent the mind from striding. No anatomical discovery, no progress in the physiology a few origina writings about the pulse, the eruptive fevers and the chronic deseases of the skin, the utilization of a new harmacopoeia, such is approximately the achievement of the Arab science. On the other hand, there are many unnecessary discussions, futile quarrels, childish quibbles in their works".

But looking at the phenomenon closely, it can be asserted that the Arabs not merely translated the Greek works. To the world, they have given doctors worthy of the name and to the medicine, they have given a for and a content unknown to the previous peoples and their medical schools were the example followed by the West, giving to its own schools the same organization and teaching the same programs. We are going to examine the Islamic medicine in the tenth century, then the part played by it in the European Medicine and consequently, in the European awakening and in the Renaissance.

THE ISLAMIC MEDICINE IN THE TENTH CENTURY

 As far back as the tenth century, the Islamic medicine took three elements as a basis:

      (a) A new Medical Organization
      (b) A new Medicine
      (c) A new pharmacopoeia

(a) THE MEDICAL ORGANIZATION:

    Contra to the Greeks, this organization was made up of; a school where theory was taught, a library often full of books arid works of any kind and a hospital where it was learnt to examine the patient and to identify the illness. The hospitals of Baghdad, Ray and Ibn Toulon are just a few examples among other ones.
      Furthermore, this organization required from any person wishing to practice medicine to have an authorization granted by a jury presided over by a scientist. This jury was also entitled to withdraw this authorization, if the knowledge of the doctor were regarded as insufficient.

(b) A NEW MEDICINE

    Based, like with the Ancients, on the observation but defining each illness by several symptoms. This system enabled them to describe several new illnesses such as: the variola described by Rhazes and Avicen a, the measles, the Spina Ventosa, the smallpox, the pleurisy etc... The medical books were not only translations. The "Continent" of Rhazes 'was made up of 70 books and included the whole medical knowledge of the tenth century .The Canon of Avicenna has unquestionably remained the reference book during the whole middle ages. If Avicenna was called "Le Cheik-al-Rais" in the East, he was called "the rince of Doctors" in the West

(c) A NEW PHARMACOPOEIA

    The Arabs are the fathers of pharmacy. They have discovered many matters and they have developed veral medicaments. They also organized the pharmacy and the laws of this science. This canoe f und in a book, the title of which is "Nichajat ar Rutba", written in 1236 and a copy of which, dating from the fifteenth century, is in Sarajevo in Yugoslavia9.1°. These elements made it possible for the Islamic medicine to expand very quickly and, as far back as the tenth century, famous names were noted; I-Razi in Iran, al-Macoudy and Ibn al Abbas in Iraq, Ibn al Jazzar in Morroco, Abulcases in Spain.

Europe was given the benefit of this development, as there are many Europeans in the Islamic schools and more particularly in Cordova in Spain. The most famous ones are; Gerber d' Aurillac, Gerard de Cremone, Arnaud de Villeneuve, Constantine I'African etc...

The first medical schools in Europe became famous thanks to the Islamic medicine. The first school  the Salernitan school in Italy, Montpellier and Paris in France.

THE SA ERNITAN SCHOOL

In Salerno, the patients were looked after in a convent founded in the ninth century. The healing monks i itated a monk living in the neighborhood, in the convent of Monte Cassino; he was called Desire and he had written a book, the title of which was "The medical miracles of Saint Benoit".   He is famous, because he became later Pope Victor VIII. The reputation of Salerno remained local until the end of the eleventh century.

In 1077, Constantine, called "the African", arrived in Salerno. As he was born in Cartage, he had learnt medicine during his trip in Egypt, in Syria and in India. The story goes, that he was in Baghdad, where he studied Mesue and Serapion.

He had translated the books of Ali ben al Abbas, the most important one being "Almalak" made up of ten volumes of theoretical medicine and of ten volumes of practical medicine, without giving the name of the author. He had also translated a treatise on the ophthalmology of Honnein and the Viaticus of Ibn al Jazzar. He practiced medicine as he had learnt it in the Islamic schools. This practice was new in Salerno; its medicaments too. Shortly, and thanks to this medicine, he became very famous. Then he organize the Salernitan School, imitating the Islamic medical schools of the East and of Spain. "The studies took place either in the library or in the hospital and the student was directed in his work by a group of teachers". The Salernitan School became famous thanks to this new organization and to this new medicine.

As regards the program of the school, it included not only the works translated by Constantine but also a few books written by the teachers of Salerno but "in which signs of Arab influence are often found".  The most famous books are;

De Aegritudinum Curatione -it is an anonymous book made up of two parts; the first one deals with illnesses from the head to the foot. The second one includes comments and explanations made by the seven teachers of the school. The resemblance of the first part to the works of al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibn al-Jazzar is obvious.

The Liber Simplici Medicina, also called the Circa Instans, which is only an updated translation of the book of Constantine de Gradibus Simplicium, this being also a translation of some Arab works.

The Antidotarium includes a few recipes copied out from the works of Galen, as well as many Arab pharmaceutic prescriptions.

In short, we can say with Turchini, that the coming of the Islamic medicine in Salerno has been a fundamental element in the development of the school, in its brightening up and in its celebrity.

The success of the Salernitan School has encouraged the creation of other schools and their organization on the same lines. The most famous schools were: Bologna, Padua, Pisa and Naples in Italy, Montpellie and Paris in France.

THE SCHOOL OF MONTPELLIER

    At the end of the twelfth century, medicine was practiced by the monks of the convents, by some Islamic doctors living here and by a few Jews, more particularly after many of them had left Spain, just as the Almohades came into power in 1147.

The anarchy dominated the practice of medicine at this time. Anybody could open a school to teach medicine and look after the patients.

In 1220, Cardinal Conrad, the Legate of Pope Honorius III, brought this disorder to and end by creating the medical school of Montepellier and by organizing it on the lines of the Arab medical schools.  In this way, nobody could practice medicine without having the authorization granted by a jury coonsisting of scientists and presided over by a religious.

At this time there were 16 teaching books, 13 of which were books of Islamic medicine.   These books were;

The Canon of Avicenna: the Antidotarium, the Continent, the Al-Mansouri and the Aphorisms of Rhazes, as well as the treatise about Pestilence; the guide of doctors and the spring water, the book of fevers by Isaad; the Isagoge of Honein, the translations of Constantine (Ibn Al Abbas, Mesue and Ibn Al Jazzar), the Techne, De Morbo et Accidenti of GAlen; the Aphorisms of Hippocrates.

During all the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries, the Islamic medicine was the most important subject in the teaching program of the medical school of Montpellier.  The teachers commented on Avicenna, they explained Rahazes, Mesue etc... Galen was quoted from time to time Hippocrates was rarely quoted.  As regards the other Greek doctors, they wrere purely and simply unknown."
Among the most famous teachers, there were Arnaud de Viulleneuve, Ermengaud Blein, Pierre de Capestang, Jean Jacme and other ones, who were called the Arabic Scholars, as they taught the Arab medicine to the exclusion of any other one.

"The book of the lessons and keys" in the Records of the University, gives us a precise idea about the programs of the school of Montpellier from 1489 to 1500.

and we see:

1.      that the works of Avicenna had the lion's share from 1489 to 1500 and that it is only from 1500, that the works of Galen superseded, for teaching, the ones of Avicenna.

2.      that Hippocrates did not have the importance given to him by the Westerners.

Even after 1500, the Islamic medicine was still taught in Montpellier and it had still its defenders. We fi d a typical example in the book of Austruc16, "Rene Moreau, a teacher of the University, reproached Jacobus Sylvius, another teacher of Montpellier for being a follower of the Arabs and of the Barbarians and for not attending to Hippocrates or to Galen. In the same way, he repooached the uni- versity of Montpellier for its taste for the Arab medicine, what proves that, even in the middle of the sixteenth century, the Arab medicine exercised an important influence in Montpellier". Moreover, Astruc says, 'surely, Montpellier had taught the Arab medicine for a long time. It was not in a position to teach other medicines. This fondness for the Arab medicine was common to all the universities".

3. This enables us to say, that the Arab medicine accompanied the school of Montpellier from its creation the second half of the sixteenth century .It made it possible for the school of Montpellier to develo , to open out and to become a scientific centre, not only in France but also in Europe, towards which students and patients made their way.

THE SCHOOL OF PARIS

    The phenomenon, which occured in Salerno and in Montpellier, also occured in Paris and the program of the school of Paris was identical with the one of Montpellier. We shall not come back to that, especially as one of the most famous teachers of Paris was Gilles de Corbeil, and old Salernitan. But we give an example confirming, what has been previously said: in 1395, the library of the school of Paris ad eight books17, five of which being books of Arab medicine: the Concordance of Jean de Saint Aiman , the Concordance of Jean de Saint Flour, the Usu Particum of Galen, "the Simple" of Mesue and th Practice of Mesue, the Theriaca and the Antidotarium of Abulcasis, as well as the precious one, the most beautiful and the most remarkable jewel of the university, the Totum Continens of Rhazes, We know the history of this book with Louis XI, who wanted to have a copy of the Continent in his library.  He adked the library of the school of Paris for this book on loan. This was authorized, after stormy discussions, for a deposit of twelve silver plate sets and hundred gold crowns. This gives and idea about the value and the importance of the Islamic works.

This paper gives us an idea about the part played by the Islamic medicine in the creation of the European medical schools. We can also say, that without the Islamic medicine, the Islamic hospitals, the Islamic pharmacies and the medical schools, the Salernitan school and the school of Montpellier would probably never have been created.

The m vement started in Salerno and in Montpellier covered the whole of Europe very quickly and, at the end of the Middle Ages, there were eighty universities in Europe, nineteen of which were French ones. Each year, they brought multitude of scientists, doctors, pharmacists, surgeons and philosophers such as Roger Bacon, Guy de Chauliac, Thomas Alquin Henri de Mondeville, and other ones, who have created a scientific movement and a cultural movement, which were the ferment of what became the Renaissance later. In short, we can assert two things:

1.      The Islamic medicine has been an essential element of the European Renaissance.

2.      We do not find in the most French works any proof of recognition.

REFERENCES

·         SANURJO D'ARELLANO: Histoire generale de la pharmacie et de l'art dentaire.  on I, p 511.

·         WINTER PIERRE: Histoire generale de la medecine, de la pharmacie et de l'art dentaire, tom. II, p44, Ed Alban Michel, 1936- Paris.

·         BARRIETY Maurice et COURY ch.: Histoire de la medecine, Ed. Fayard 1963 - Paris; P. 262, 280.

·         CASTIGLIONI A. : Histoire de la medecine Ed. Payot 1931 - Paris: P.259.262

·         REUTER DE ROSEMONT:  Histoire de la pharmacie dans les premiers siecles du Moyen-Age - Paris 1931 tom.I.

·         AIMES ALEXANDRE:  GUY DE CHAULIAC, pere de la chirurgie moderne, MONSPELIENSIS HIPPOCRATES 6th yr. NO. 18-1962.

·         barbillon l.: hISTOIRE DE LA MEDECINE, p.35-pARIS 1886eD. dupret

·         SOUBIRAN A.:  AVICENNE et la medecie - 1970 - tom. XX No. 204

·         ELEZAR ET DURCIC: In ZUR GESCHICHTE DER PHARMAZIE BERLIN, 1959 No.3

·         E.H. GUITARD: REVUE histoire de la pharmacie - 1970 - tom. XX No. 204.

·         WINTER PIERRE: La medecine au Moyen-Age.  HIstoire generale de la medecine et de la pharmacie. tom. II-page 37-Albin Michel 1936.

·         TURCHIN JEAM:  Salerne et Montpellier dans MONSPELKLIENSIS HIPPOCRATES. 4th year - NO. 14 - 1961-P4.

·         HARANT HERYE:  La medecine arabe a Montepellier - extrait des cahiers de Tunisie 1955.

·         BORIES MARCEL: Les universites du Languedoc au XIII siecle. Cahiers de FANJEAUX. 1970-Ed. Privat, No. 5.

·         DULIEU LOUIS: La medecine arabe a Montpellier - extrait des cahiers de Tunisie 1955.

·         ASTRUC JEAN - Memoires pour servir a I'histoire de la faculte de Montpellier. Livre 5-1767-Archives de la bibiotheque de Montpellier.

·         SABATIER J.C.: Recherches historiques sur la faculte de medecine de Paris. 1837 - P. 10 - Ed. Baillere, Paris.

 

ABSTRACTS OF CONTRIBUTION OF ISLAMIC MEDICINE TO UROLOGY Dr. A.M. Dajani JORDAN The aim of this paper is twofold; to review the most important contribution to urology by Arabian and Muslim Physicians and to refute the frequent denials by many scholars of their role in this field. Picturing Muslim Physicians simply as transcriptors of Greek, Roman and Indian medicine has been refuted by many scholars. To the contrary, they had enriched medicine by their experience and deligence and became the discoverers and exporters of knowledge, which lit the way to modern European civilization. Al Razi, Ibn Sina and Al Zahrawi top the list of these physicians, and of equal importance, though less renowned, we find that Ibn al Quff, Thabet Ibn Ourrah, Al Magousy, Al Tabary and others had also made great contributions witnessed in their works. ANATOMY: Al Magousy, Ibn Sinas and Ibn Hubal gave a detailed account of the anatomy of the bladder and of the intramural part of the ureter, which is no different of what we know now. They also drew the attention to the importance of such an arrangement in the prevention of vesico-ureteric reflux. It is interesting to note that nearly a thousand years later this same observation was made by another renowned scholar of Arab descendence viz. E. Tanagho. Both Ibn Hubal and Ibn Sina stressed the importance of the muscle 'at the mouth of the bladder' which on voluntary relaxation allows urine to flow out during micturitions. Ibn al Quff described the value of the cremasteric muscles in keeping up the two testicles and preventing their dangling. Al Magousy is said to be the first to describe such anomalies like hypospadias, epispadias and hermaphroditism. He also described the arteries to the penis and their role in erection.   The description by Ibn Sina that 'the-bladder contracts in every direction and squeezes out urine while the muscle at its mouth relaxes' does not differ from what we know now about the principles of the act of micturition. RENAL STONES: Muslim Physicians had devoted a lot of their attention to this subject. They tried to explain the way of their formation and described their signs and symptoms. They also described, for the first time, operations to remove such stones or to break them; and advised certain medications to treat stone patients and to prevent formation of such stones. STONE FORMATION: In trying to explain that Ibn Ourrah attributed it to the narrow opening of the kidney or of the bladder, and that the nidus on top of which further deposition might occur was viscid material found in urine as a result of ingestion of heavy food. Ibn Sina mentioned that inflammation of the kidney might end in stone formation. Al Razi on the other hand believed that calcification of pus resulting from ulceration of the kidney might initiate the process; and that stones might be formed either in the kidney substance, in the pelvis of the kidney, or in both. According to Ibn Ourrah, stones start as small bodies and enlarge by time. This is what we actually know nowadays of the presence of a nidus albeit pus, blood etc., on which salts are deposited. We are also aware of the importance of obstruction and infection in the aetiology of stone formation. Both Ibn Sinas and Al Zahrawi had agreed that bladder stones are common in children and that kidney stones occurred in the elderly. This is similar to what we know nowadays of the prevalence of stones in children of many of the Third World Countries. The two physicians also agreed that bladder stones were less in women as their bladder passages are less tortuous, shorter and wider. SIGNS AND SYMPTOMS OF STONES: According to both Ibn Sina and Al Razi, pain is worse when stones are formed or during their passage down to the bladder, otherwise patients "feel heaviness in the flanks". This is very similar to how we describe pain due to the stones. Ibn Sina made a very clear differentiation between kidney and bladder stones, which did not differ either with that of Al Razi, or of Al Zahrawi (Table 1). Muslim physicians had mastered differentiation between many diseases and Ibn Sina as well as Al Razi before him, though in more detail, gave us a perfect description of differential diagnosis between colonic and renal pain (Table 2) which we believe is no different from what we teach now. TREATMENT OF STONES: Al Razi advised giving sedatives during the attack of colic and later drugs, which help to move the stones once the pain had subsided. Ibn al Quff believed that treatment of large stones was easier for the following three reasons: The large ones stop at the beginning of the urethra and in fact remain in the bladder. It is easier to palpate the large one. Surgery is more tolerated in-patients with the large one as they had got used to the pain. Al Razi quoting Al Tabbary, Abu Khaled Al Faresy and Bukhtaishoua mentioned the following substances as useful for breaking stones; juice of radish leaves: caper: Prunus mahaleb: water of soaked chick peas: bitter almonds etc., lbn Qurrah and al Antaki added the Jewish Stone and Rubus Sanctus, etc., to the list. In addition in the margin of Tathkaret Daoud (p.92) the following were said to be useful -Alkekenge, Rubus friticosus, diuretics and honey. SURGERY: According to Springle, Al Zahrawi was the first to remove a bladder stone transvaginally, and the Lithotomy operation was devised by him. S. Hamarneh remarked about the latter that it was a great step in surgery. (Fig. 1 ). Both Al Razi and Al Zahrawi gave a detailed description of the operation for the removal of bladder stones and stressed that the internal wound should be smaller than the external one to prevent leakage of urine and that no force should be used. Al Razi even advised extracting the stone by means of "a forceps" or breaking it to pieces before removal. Both Al Razi and Al Zahrawi had pointed out the difficulty of operating on women and Ibn Al Quff gave five reasons for that: She may be a virgin and one cannot introduce the finger in the vagina in search of the stone. A woman would rarely accept surgery and her tolerance of pain is less. Women are usually shy. The incision is more difficult and dangerous as the site of the stone is farther. She may be pregnant and surgery will harm the foetus. Commenting on the advice by Maysosen to use forceps for extracting the stone after incision, Al Razi believed that method was better as it would cause less laceration. Ibn Sina on the other hand did not advise surgery because "it is very dangerous" This is in agreement with Ibn al Quff's opinion who added that wounds after kidney operations would not heal because of the continued passage of urine. URETHRAL STONES: Al Razi's advice to pull the skin of the penis forwards before direct incision on the stone to prevent fistula formation is similar to that of Al Zahrawi's. Both advised tying a thread behind the stone thus preventing it from slipping back into the bladder. To avoid laceration to the external meatus if the stone is near the tip Al Razi advised meatotomy, the procedure that is followed today. In case of retention of urine due to a stone stuck in the urethra Al Zahrawi devised the following (Fig. 2) and method by which he had avoided surgery on many occasions. "Take a steel probe with a sharp and pointed triangular end and with a long handle. Tie a thread behind the stone... introduce the probe gently till you reach the stone and try to penetrate it bit by bit... until you make a hole through it. Urine comes out immediately. Press on the stone from outside to crush it... The patient is thus cured... If you do not succeed then operate". Commenting on that Spink and Lewis said -"This device of Albucasis does seem to have been in a manner a true lithotripsy many centuries earlier than our modern era and completely lost sight of and not even mentioned by the great middle-age surgeons Franco and Parei, nor by Frere Come the doyen of genitourinary surgery". PREVENTION OF STONE FORMATION: Ibn Qurrah advised avoiding heavy food and drinks, taking things which would clear the passage and cause diurese.g. seeds of melon, squirting cucumber, raddish seeds, cumin, bitter almonds; and many others. This advice was also given by Al Razi. This is what we nowadays advise for stone patients regarding diet, hydration and diuresis. CIRCUMCISION: We believe that the four methods of circumcision described by Ibn al Quff are the basis of what we practice at the present time. His description of (a round object of the size of the prepuce to be put below it in order to stretch it and push the glans to inside) can be considered the original genuine prototype of the present day Gumko. Also (...to tie the prepuce with a fine thread so that the glans can be pushed to inside...) can be considered the principle of the plastic capstan used for circumcision. Al Zahrawi prefers using the scissors for cutting (... because cutting will be proportionate and at the same level...)(Fig. 3). HYPOSPADIAS AND IMPERFORATE EXTERNAL MEATUS: Both Al Zahrawi and ibn al Quff had stressed the importance of these conditions (...Some children are born with no opening to the glans... if there is one there may be a downward curvature, 'chordee'... each is harmful. The first causes retention of urine while the latter affects fertility as sperms are emitted at an angle...). Al Zahrawi described the anomaly as a very bad disfigurement and added (... the child cannot urinate forward until he lifts up the penis). This is a very clear picture of the anomaly and of its ill effects, as we know today. The benefit of repeated dilatation of the narrow external meatus was also stressed by Al Zahrawi. (Fig. 4) Regarding the surgical treatment of the anomaly, we do not believe that either physician was successful in introducing an acceptable procedure. SURGERY AND SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS: The famous surgeon E. Forge, praised Al Zahrawi for compiling all contemporary surgical knowledge in his great work Al Tasreef. Al Zahrawi described some operations for which he can be considered a leader in surgery. He also invented many instruments of his own. In addition to the previously described operations he must have the merit of being the first to recommend what we now know as the Trendelenburg's position which was adopted from him and named after by the German Surgeon. He is mentioned as having described urinary diversion to the rectum in males and to the vagina in females. Al Razi described operations on the bladder, urethra and the treatment of complications of such operations. Before those two surgeons, Al Magousy, in addition to describing urethral anomalies and their treatment, is said to be the first who described perineal cystolithotomy. However no advancement was made in the treatment of varicocele and hydrocele. Regarding surgical instruments, Kirkup said that the first application of the modification of the handle of an instrument was the dental forceps made by Al Zahrawi. Commenting on the use of Al Zahrawi of the scissors for circumcision, Spink and Lewis said (...it may, therefore, be attributed to the Arabs; that is the application if not the actual invention...). The Methkab devised by Al Zahrawi can also be considered an instrument for lithotripsy. CATHETERS: Tucker denied that any improvement on catheters had been made before the beginning of the eighteenth century, and that the anatomy of the urethra was not taken into consideration. This is clearly refuted by the Muslim Physician's description of the catheter regarding its size, shape and malleability, together with the material of which it was made.(Fig. 5) Again while J. Herman had denied that any improvement was made in the field of catheters we find that Ibn Sina had advised that more than one hole should be made for irrigation and drainage and that it should be of a round head. In addition our Muslim Physicians had described very beautifully what could be considered irrigation syringes with negative pressure effect. (Fig. 6). We also find that Ibn Sina had advised caution and gentleness during catheterisation to avoid urethral injuries, not as Tucker had described that the patient was at the mercy of the size of the catheter. Commenting on the irrigation of the bladder, Spink and Lewis wrote -(This chapter on irrigation of the bladder is both more comprehensive than any classical description and of the utmost original value. Celsus and Paulus merely give a few lines or a paragraph, but Albucasis devotes a whole chapter with splendid illustrations. (Fig. 7) DILATORS: The importance of urethral dilatation and the indication that the Arabs were the first to use the dilators and to stress their importance are well documented. URINE: As modern techniques for chemical, microscopical and bacteriological examination of urine were not available to them, Muslim Physicians had to rely upon the physical characteristics of urine and were able to draw very important conclusions. Thus Al Razi considered that urine reflected the circulation in the urinary system. Muslim Physicians laid down strict rules for the collection of urine, which do not differ, from what we advise today. Al Razi advised examining urine for colour, consistency, deposit, taste, clarity, touch etc., and he divided each into different subdivisions and then specified the cause and the meaning of each. Haematuria with epithelial debris and foul smelling urine denoted cystitis, which might be associated with pain in the suprapubic region. In case of arthritis there might be discharge with burning along the shaft during micturition. Both Al Razi and Ibn Sina described different types of frequency and polyuria including diabetes, the later stressed the importance of a pelvic mass pressing on the bladder causing such a disturbance. Both physicians attributed nocternal enuresis to the laxity of the bladder neck muscles and the sphincter together with deep sleep. They advised for treatment limitation of fluid intake and light food at bed as many advise nowadays. Ibn al Quff added that involuntary urination can be due to spinal injury (neuropathic bladder). Urinary retention could be due to obstruction at the bladder neck due to blood clot, a stone or a new growth. Both Al Tabary and Al Razi differentiated very clearly between the different types of anuria whether of kidney origin due to ureteric obstruction or bladder neck obstruction; they also stressed the importance of the presence or absence of a round globular mass (bladder) in the suprapubic region. In addition Al Razi described azotaemia, gangrene of the scrotum and haemoglobinuria. TREATMENT BY HERBS: Muslim Physicians had copied many prescriptions from ancient medicine and added very many of their own as seen in (Table 3). SUMMARY This review demonstrates how Muslim Physicians had contributed to and improved on the progress of medicine in the field of urology. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to Dean A. AL-Badry and Prof. A. Daher for their comments. I am also thankful to Miss M.O. Mabrouk, Miss S. Abdullat of the Faculty of Agriculture and to Miss I. Rida our Librarian for helping in getting the references. Mr. E. Bataineh and the Photographic Section of the University Library were kind to take photographs and make slides out of the microfilm. Prof. B. Abu Rumaileh of the Faculty of Agriculture was very helpful in producing the scientific names of the herbs and plants.                                                   Table 1 Differentiation between Kidney Stone and Bladder Stones   Kidney Stone Bladder Stone Description Softer, smaller, reddish Harder, larger, grey-greyish white coarse. May be as small particles and more than one. Patient Obese, elderly Usually thin (boys) Infancy - adolescence. Pain Worse during formation or movement to bladder. Radiation to groin means movement, stops when stone in bladder. Less except if causing retention. Itching and pain along penis and its base. Pain in hypogastrium. The patient plays with his penis. Urine Turbid then clears, or remains turbid with deposit. Lighter in colour but with deposit, may contain gravel. Mixed with blood if stone is big or coarse. Dysuria with small one (aneck), Frequency. Associated complaint Parasthesia over ipsilateral thigh. May have prolapse of rectum.   Table 2 Differentiation between Colonic Pain and Renal Pain   Colonic Renal Severity Severe Little, like thorns Site Begins below on the right, extends up to the left; more in front and in hypogastrium. Begins high in the back, with dysuria, extends slightly downwards, more in the back. Pain in ipsilateral testicle. Time Sudden, eases on defecation, worse on eating Gradual, severe at end, may be worse on defecation. Radiation To any part of abdomen. Steady in place. Chills Not present Frequent Agreeable & Unagreeable Wind and stools ease the pain. Do not ease pain. Medications to break the stone No effect Ease it. Stools Hard scybala, or like dunge of cows. May be no constipation. Accompanying symptomis: Pain in lower limbs & back Anorexia, biliary vomit, severity of pain, Drowsiness Relief by vomiting     Less More More   More Less Less Causes & indications: Overeating, Bad food, colic, Borborygmi, Constipation Turbid urine, Burning Precede       Precede   Table 3 Herbs and Plants used by Muslim Physicians Diuretics Disintegration of Stones Dribbling of Urine Dysuria To increase Sperms Artemesia absenthium Ammoniacum resina Cucumis melo var. Flexuosus (seeds) Cucumis sativus (seeds) Ficus carica Opopanax Eruca sativa Mill Ceratonia siliqua Punica granatum Crocus sp. Andropogon nardus Sagapenum Fumaria officinalis Alkekenge Struthium Malva sylvestris Apium graveolens Cuminum cyminum Solidago virgaurea Cucumis melo Anethum Graveolens Raddish (leaves) Water of chick Peas Prunus amygdalus Prunus mahaleb Capparis Alkekenge Rubus sanctus Juglans regia Matricaria chamomilla Phoenix dactylifera REFERENCES AL MARZOUGI, M.: "Bulletin of Islamic Medicine", Vol. 1, 2nd. Ed., Kuwait, 1981, p. 85. HIJAZI, A.R.: Ibid, p. 99. BARCELO, J.L.: Ibid, p. 96. HUNKE, (Dr.) S.: "Allah Sonne Uber Dem Abendland Unser Arabishes Erbe", Arabic Translation: Baydoun, F. and Dasougi, K. The Trading Office, Beirut, 1969, pp. 217-269. BICKERS, W.: "J. Roy. Col. Surg. Irel", 5:5-14, 1969. IBRAHIM, A. (PASHA). ("In the foreword, Al Tib Al Araby. Khairallah, (Dr.) A.A.") American Press, Beirut, 1946. AL MAGOUSY, A.: Cited by Hanafi et al. "Urology", 8:63-67, 1976. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Dar Sader, Beirut. Vol. 2, p. 508. IBN HUBAL AL BAGHDADI A.: "Al Mukhtarat Fi Tib", 1st, Ed. Ottoman Educational Society Press, Hydar Abad Deccan, 1362 H. Vol. 1, p. 60. TANAGHO, E.: Cited by Hanafi et al, 1976. IBN AL QUFF: '"Al Umdah Fi.1 Gereha", 1st. Ed. Ottoman Dept. of Education, Hydar Abad Deccan, 1937. Vol. 1, p. 78. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 515. IBN QURRAH, T.: "Al Thakhira Fi Tib", Cairo Press, 1928, p. 107. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, 492. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", New Series, Ottoman Dept. of Education 4, 10. 1st. -d. Hydar Abad Deccan, Vol 10, p. 140. AL ZAHRAWI, A: "Al Tasreef", Microfilm 610,956, Jordan University Library. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 500. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol., 10 p. 94. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 509 AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 125. Ibid, p. 92. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2. 2, p. 209. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, pp. 128 & 133. IBN QURRAH, T.: "Al Thakhira Fi Tib", Cairo Press, 1928, p. 128. AL ANTAKI, D.: "Tathkarat Uli'l Albab wa'l Jamea Li'l Ajab Al Ujab", Al Bali Al Halaby & Sons' Pres. 1952, Vol. 1, p. 118. Ibid, in the Margin, p. 92. SPRINGLE: Cited by Khairallah (Dr.) A.A., 1946, p. 174. HAMARNEH, S.: Ibid. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 113. Ibid, p.129. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, p. 510. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2, p. 99. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 144 SPINK, M.S. and LEWIS, G.L.: "Albucasis on Surgery and Instruments", London, Welcome Institute of the History of Medicine, Vol. 12, p. 411, 1973. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 146. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2, p. 206. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 2, p. 205. FORGE, E.: Quoted by Q.M. Al Haj Mohammad. "Al Mojaz Lima Adafahu Al Arab Fi Tib wal Uloum Al Mutaallekata beh", Al Ershad Press, Baghdad, 1974, p. 34. HUNKE, (Dr.) S.: "Allah Sonne Uber Abendland Unser Arabisches Erbe", Arabic Translation: Baydoun, F. and Dasougi, K. The Trading Office, Beruit, 1969. p. 278. NABRI, A.I.: "Annals of Roy. CoIl. Surg", England. 65: 132-134, 1983. KIRKUP, J.: Ibid, pp. 269-273. SPINK, M.S. and Lewis, G.L.: "Albucasis on Surgery and Instruments", London, Welcome Institute of the History of Medicine, Vol. 12, p. 399, 1973. Ibid, p. 421. TUCKER, R.A.: "Urology", 20:346, 1982. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun", Vol. 2, pp. 522-523. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 208. AL MAGOUSY: Cited By Khairallah, A.A.: "Al Tib Al Araby". American Press, Beitut 946, p. 145. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 10, p. 166. HERMAN, J.R.: "Urology A View Through Retrospectroscope", Medical Dept., Harper and Row Publishers, New York, Evanston, San Francisco, London, 1973, p. 36. SPINK, M.S. and LEWIS, G.L.: "Albucasis on Surgery and Instruments", London. Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine, Vol. 12, p. 407, 1973. ZADAH, T.: "AL Shaqa'ea Al Nu'maneya Fi Akhbar Al Dawlah Al Othmaneya", Dar Al Kitab Al Araby, Beirut 1975, p. 137. HUNKE, (Dr.) S.: "Allah Sonne Uber Dem Abendland Unser Arabisches Erbe", Arabic Translation: Baydoun, F. and Dasougi K. The Trading Office, Beirut, 1969, p. 241. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib", Vol. 19, p. 1. IBN HUBAL: "Al Mukhtarat Fi Tib", Ottoman Education Press, Hydar Abad Deccan, 1st. Ed., Vol. 1, p.171, 1362 H. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 19, p. 14. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 10. AL RAZI: "AL Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 19, p. 31. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 6. IBN QURRAH, T.: Quoted by hanafi et al. "Urology". 8:63, 1976. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 192. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun". Vol. 2, p. 525. IBN SINA: "Al Qanun". Vol. 2. p. 526. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 197. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi.l Geraha". Vol. 2, p. 144. AL TABARY: Quoted by Hanifi et al. "Urology", 8: 63-67, 1976. AL RAZI: "Al Hawi Fi Tib". Vol. 10, p. 167. AL RAZI: Cited by Hanafi et al. "Urology", 8:63-67, 1976. IBN AL QUFF: "Al Umdah Fi'l Geraha", Vol. 1, pp. 210-265.

ISLAMIC MEDICINE IN THE KINGDOM OF ARAGON IN THE EARLY FOURTEENTH CENTURY
Prof. Michael McVaugh
U.S.A.

In September 1301 the king of Aragon, James II, wrote urgently to his treasurer commanding him to get the royal "Librum medicine vocatum Avicenne" out of pawn. As he explained in a second letter in March 1302, he had allowed his favorite surgeon, Berengar de Riaria, to pawn the volume with a Barcelona merchant for 500 sueldos, but now he found a "valda necessarium" and had to have it back. Five hundred sueldos was an enormous amount the price of fifty meters of Persian cloth, of a good mule or of a ppor horse and not even the royal treasury always found such sums easy to produce. The king had to repeat his order for the book's redemption for months to come. This volume on which the king placed so much store can only have been Avicenna's Canon, the great medical encyclopedia of Ibn Sina translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the twelfth century; from the 1230's on it was increasingly cited by Latin medical writers, and in the fourteenth century it was coming to replace the old Articella as the heart of the European medical curriculum. In 1302, as James sought frantically to get his book back, Avicenna was becoming recognized as the greatest medical authority since Galen. The next year, in July 1303, the king ordered that Berengar de Riaria be given 250 sueldos more to buy another volume of Avicenna "ad opus sui" - this time, perhaps, the Cantica (Urjuza fi 't-tibb) that Ermengol Blasi had translated in 1283.

Ten years later the king again demonstrated his interest in having the best of Islamic Medicine made available in his kingdom. In November 1313 he commanded his treasurer to pay 1000 sueldos to Jahuda Bonsenyor for translating from Arabic into the vernacular (Catalan) "a certain book of medicine called 'halcahahuy"'. Jahuda Bonsenyor, son of Astruch, had since 1294 been responsible for preparing all Arabic-language documents and contracts drawn up in Barcelona; he was also a physician (metge), and a friend of the king's own physician, Joan Amell. The title given to the medical work he was to translate for the king, 'halcahahuy', is probably a transliteration of the nisba of Abu'l-Qasim al-Zahrawi, known to the West as Abulcasis. Only a few sections of Abulcasis' great medical encyclopedia, al-Tasrif had been translated in James' day, even into Latin: the Surgery by Gerard of Cremona in the twelfth century, the pharmacology (as' Liber servitoris") by Simon of Genoa and Abraham Judeus at the very end of the thirteenth. What portion Jahuda was expected to translate for the king we cannot tell; Cardoner has supposed that Bonsenyor translated only a small part of the Tasrif, probably the section dealing with bloodletting, but the huge sum with which the translator was to be rewarded twice as much as the Avicenna had been pawned for suggests that he may have translated a major portion of the work. Unfortunately, the Catalan version is not known to exist today.

King James, who so obviously appreciated the importance and value of Islamic Medicine had to do what he could to encourage its spread in his kingdom because at this moment early in fourteenth century it was apparently not easily accessible there to Christian physicians. When the king established the first University in his realms, in Lerida in 1300, he brought in Guillem de Bezoers, a master from outside (probably from the medical faculty of Montpellier in France), to lecture on medicine. Guillem soon found that the medical books available in Lerida were defective and would have to be emended by systematically checking them against texts written in the Arabic language. At his request, the king commanded in 1302 that:

Because certain Arabic medical books belonging to Jews in our realms are needed to correct these medical texts…we command that whatever medical works written in Arabic are needed by this master (Guillem) should be turned over to him by those Jews until he has had them translated or has used them to correct the other texts.

Unfortunately, the school did not prosper; it closed briefly between 1305 and 1310, and Guillem left Spain to serve the Popes in Avignon. Islamic medical writings remained difficult for Christians to come by. It was the academically trained physician who best appreciated the importance of the Islamic scientific tradition, and throughout the first decades of the fourteenth century there were still few such academic physicians in the kingdom of Aragon. Lerida began again to train students after 1310, but it had only one teacher of medicine and probably not many more students at any one time. Even in the largest cities the market for medical writings was limited. When master Gonsalbo Pere of Barcelona drew up his will in 1334, he instructed his executors that since books on his science ("ars sive sciencia") would find no buyers, his library should not be sold in that city but should be shipped as a whole to Montpellier, where the presence of an, important medical school would ensure better prices.

By this time Montpellier had wholly adopted Greek and Islamic Medicine as the basis for its curriculum, and the principal agent of this change was undoubtedly Arnald of Villanova, who for the last twenty years of his life was the preferred physician of James II. Arnald could read Arabic, and his first appearance in the historical record is in Barcelona, in 1282, as the translator of Hunain Ibn Ishaq's Arabic version of Galen's short work On tremor; his translation is in general a faithful and quite competent one.

Two other translations from Arabic to Latin can also be attributed to Arnald, a translation of Abu 'I-Salt's K. al-adwiya al-mufrada and another of Avicenna's K. al-adwiya Arnald, a translation of Abu 'I-Salt's K. al-adwiya al-mufrada and another of Avicenna's K. al-adwiya al-qalbiya (under the title De viribus cordis) -the Avicenna, like the Galen, prepared in Barcelona. During the 1290's Arnald had left Aragon to teach medicine at Montpellier, and after he returned to James's lands he was charged with advising Pope Clement V on the best pattern for medical education at his former school. At Arnald's recommendation, Clement issued new regulations in 1309 that required all bachelors of medicine to possess (teneantur) the works either of Avicenna or of Rhazes, Isaac, and Constantine -the last -named undoubtedly including the Pantegni pf 'Ali Ibn al-Abbas. When Arnald died in 1311, the inventory of his belongings included works of Rhazes and Isaac in Latin translations, as well as eight codices written in Arabic script one of them a work on anatomy, with figures, another a Synonoma, perhaps the work of Yuhanna ibn Sarafyun.

Arnald was not unique in James's realms as a translator of Arabic medicine for a Latin- reading audience: as we have seen, Ermengol Blasi - Arnald's nephew! -was responsible for translating Avicenna's Cantica in 1283. A generation or so later, Berengar Eymerich of Valencia (another physician trained at Montpellier) prepared a Latin version of the dietary sections of Abu 'I-Qasim's Tasrif. Nor was Arnald unique as an educated Christian physician able to read such works in the original language: when master Joan, physician of Barcelona, died in 1302, his estate included "decem libros Sarracenicos de fisica", which his executors then turned over to another physician, Matheu de Suria. And certainly Arnald was not unusual in possessing books on Islamic Medicine in his personal library: Bernat Serra's possessions in 1338 included the Viaticum of ibn al-Jazzar, the K. al-Mansur of Rhazes, and the Surgery of Abu 'I-Qasim. Bernat was himself a surgeon, and Christian surgeons tended to depend less on book-learning than did physicians; that a surgeon should have owned such works makes plain that he fully recognized their importance. I think we may conclude that by the 1330's the value of Islamic Medicine was fully acknowledged by the ablest and best-trained Christian physicians in Aragon, and by those patients -like the king -who could afford their services.

In search since 1977 through the Aragonesarchives I have drawn up a list of medical practitioners of all sorts -not only physicians and surgeons, but the less important apothecaries and barbers as well. I have 810 names of practitioners on my list for the period 1285-1335: 689 are Christians the great majority, as you would expect; 108 are Jews; and only 12 are Muslims. Who were these practitioners in Aragon, and what role did they play in communicating Islamic medical science to the Latin West?

One might expect or hope to find learned physicians or surgeons, celebrated for their knowledge and rewarded for their skill; but the reality is quite different. Eight of the thirteen were barbers, with only a limited medical role and no sign of special skills. Almost all the others were described as surgeons, but there is no reason to think they had illustrious careers.

Indeed, the kings themselves interested as they were in the best of medical care -were still unable to locate trustworthy and capable Islamic physicians. There is no record that James II was ever treated by a Muslim, though certainly he regularly consulted certain learned Jewish practitioners, as did Alfonso III. A Saracen surgeon, who turns up suddenly in 1332 in response to a summons by the ailing Alfonso, was apparently unsatisfactory, for she never appears again; another royal surgeon is mentioned the next year, who was evidently no more successful and likewise is thereafter absent from the record. Incidentally, both these surgeons were women, which again suggests that learned practitioners (who would surely have been men) were hard for even the king to find. In his final illness, in 1335, Alfonso was treated exclusively by (male) Christian physicians, many of them university-trained and one of them, master Jordan of Turre, brought in especially from Montpellier.

Because there is so little evidence of the presence of Islamic practitioners in Aragon, there is understandably little that can be said about the nature of their practice. In only one case do we find any evidence of the sort of treatment carried out by a Muslim practitioner of the kingdom. In December 1311 the king commanded that an investigation be launched against Ali de Lucera, a "Saracen" of Daroca, on the ground that

When the late Menga Menguez of Daroca was suffering with pains in the head, you promised to cure her of this illness so that you could extort money from the said Menga and her son Bartholomew; and that acting diabolically you made the said Menga wear seals (?caractes) and did other wicked things, because of which she is said to have died.

The king had pursued the investigation to keep his subjects from diabolic beliefs, rather than to punish medical malpractice per se, and in any case he agreed in April 1313 that Ali (who had hastily left Daroca after the investigation began) would not be harassed any further by the charge. But one feature of the original accusation bears the ring of truth, namely that Ali was treating illness with seals, and this superstitious remedy is far removed from the wholly unmaterialistic intervention recommended by Islamic medical authorities like Rhazes or Avicenna -the latter, for example, variously prescribing ointments and embrocations, remedies to be taken internally, and bleeding from veins in the head as treatments for headache.

Let us consider once again -but in more detail -the level of health manpower in the realms of the Aragonese kings in the fourteenth century.

TABLE 1
PRACTITIONERS IN THE KINGDOM OF ARAGON

	Christian	Jewish	Muslim	Total
Catalonia	308	29	0	337
Aragon	54	49	7	110
Valencia	208	11	5	224
Total	570	89	12	671

The total population of the kingdom at this time was perhaps 800,000 -slightly over half a million in Catalonia, 100,000 in Aragon, 150,000 in Valencia. Muslims made up almost two-thirds of the population of Valencia, Jews only 5% or so; in Aragon the Muslim population may have been 25-30%, the Jews only 10%. Yet in just these two parts of the kingdom we find five times as many Jewish practitioners as Muslims. We must conclude, I think, that there were disproportionately few Muslim physicians of any sort in the Aragonese lands, and that those who were to be found there lacked the familiarity with their medical heritage that their Jewish and even Christian counterparts possessed -it was a Barcelona Jew, after all, Jahuda Bonsenyor, to whom the king had to turn for a translation of the work of al-Zahrawi. Why should this have been so?

The probable answer to this question is furnished by the biography of an Islamic surgeon born in Spain in the late thirteenth century: Muhammad al-Shafra. Al-Shafra's birth place was Crevillente, a Muslim enclave surrounded by Christian Spain -Valencia to the north and Murcia to the south -which maintained an independent existence until 1318. Born perhaps about 1280, al-Shafra studied surgery, not with a Muslim master, but with a Christian, "master Bernat"; he criticized the Muslim surgery of his day as having become the province of mere empirics. At about the time that Crevillente was absorbed into the Valencia of James II, in 1318, al-Shafra moved south to the Muslim kingdom of Granada; later he shifted to Algeciras, and when it too was reconquered by Christians, in 1344, he moved across the straits of Gibralter to Fez. In his repeated moves from Christian territory he was doing what most other members of the learned professions in Islamic Spain seem to have done: so long as there were Muslim lands with wealthy patrons to the south, it was more to a Muslim physician's advantage to sell his services there.

This should not be taken to prove active Christian repression or expulsion of the Muslim population of the northern kingdoms. In fact, while there were certainly severe restrictions imposed on Muslim life in the Aragonese realms, it still seemed attractive enough there that some Muslim physicians migrated into them -like Faraig, a surgeon who moved to Daroca in Aragon from Agreda (in Castile) with his family and household in the 1320's. However, Granada and North Africa were far more attractive to the able, the learned, and the ambitious, with the result that Muslim medicine in Christian Aragon was soon represented by poorly educated or empirically trained practitioners. It has been customary to see this flight of Muslim learning from Christian territories in Spain as a phenomenon continuing until relatively late, but the figures I have quoted suggest that the exodus was already largely accomplished by the early fourteenth century.

Yet even though Muslim practitioners seem to have been scarce in Aragon, their intellectual heritage -Islamic Medicine- had firmly established itself there by 1350. We have observed the first ages of this in the early years of the fourteenth century, as learned Christian physicians and their patients show an increasing conviction that it is in Islamic authors like Ibn Sina and Abu '1- Qasim that the highest medical wisdom is to be found, and as medieval universities like Montpellier make the writings of such men an integral part of the medical curriculum. The process culminates in the 1330's, when in Catalonia and Valencia alike an academic background, or at least a thorough familiarity with the Greco-Arabic medical literature, is made a formal requirement for anyone wishing to practice medicine in these realms; and the supremacy of the medical tradition developed and transmitted by Islam would continue to be acknowledged in the kingdom of Aragon for the remainder of the Middle Ages and Renaissance.

FOOTNOTES

1. The term "kingdom of Aragon" here and subsequently refers to the three realms ruled by the monarch - Catalonia, Aragon, and Valencia -considered as a whole.
2. ARCHIVO DE LA CORONA DE ARAGON, "Cancilleria, Reg." 268, fol. 217v.
3. A.C.A. "Canc. Reg.", 269, fol. 26v.
4. A.C.A. "Canc. Reg. ", 294, for. 45r.
5. A..C.A. "Canc. Reg." 294, fol. 131 v.
6. A.C.A. "Canc. Reg. " 299, fol. 52v.
7. J. CARDONER PLANAS, "Nuevos datos acerca de Jafuda Bonsenyor" Sefarad (1944), 287-93.
8. ANTONI CARDONER i PLANAS, "Historia de la Medicina a la Corona d'Arago" (Barcelona, .d.), pp. 38-41, discusses translatimade in this period from Latin and Arabic into Catalan; see also MANUEL SANCHS GUARNER, "Antics llibres de medicina en llengua catalana", Quart Creixent 3 (1957), 47-51.
9. A.C.A. "Canc. Reg." 125, fol. 59r-v.
10. ARCHIVO DE LA CATEDRAL DE BARCELONA, "Manuel de Bernat de Vilarrubia", Testaments 1308, fols 147-48.
11. See the edition by MICHAEL R. MCVAUGH, "Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Onia, XVI", Translatio Galieni de Rigore et Tremore et lectigatione et Spasmo (Barcelona, 1981).
12. JUAN ANTONIO PANIAGUA, "Las traducciones de textos medicos hechas del arabe al latin por el maestro Arnau de Vilanova", Actas del XXVII Congreso Internacional de Historia de la Medicina (Barcelona, 1981); pp. 321-26.
13. On the development of the Montpellier curriculum, see LUKE E. DEMAITRE, BERNARD DE GORDON (ca. 1258-ca. 1318): "a Representative of the Montpellier Academic Tradition" (P.h.D. dissertation, City University of New York, 1973), chs. 2 and 3 and references there. The new curriculum is set out in the document printed by Alexandre Germain, ed., Cartulaire de l'Universite de Montpellier, I (Montpellier, 1890), no.25.
14. ROQUE CHABAS, "Inventario de los libros, ropas y demas efectos de Arnaldo de Villanova", Revista de Archivos. Bibliotecas y Museos, 9 (1903), 189-203, esp, nos. 48, 65, 76, 93, 115, 150, 173, 183; Joaqium Carreras Artau, "La llIbreria d'Arnau de Vilanova", Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 11 (1935), 68-69. The suggested identification of the sinonima with the work of ibn Sarafyun is offerad by Luis Garcia Ballester, Historia social de la medicina en la Espana d los siglos XIII al XVI, I (Madrid, 1976), p. 18.
15. MS TORINO, H. IV. 29 (cited by Ernest Wickersheimer, "Dictionaire biographique des medecins en France au Moyen Age" (Geneva, 1936), p. 69, s.n. Berenger de Thumba), says of his translation that it was translata de arabico in vulgare Cathalenorum et a vulgari in Latino a Berengario enutrito in Montepessulano", which suggests that Berenger dod not read Arabic himself but needed the help of a drogoman; on this technique of translation, see MARIETHERESE D'ALVERNY,"Motives and Circumstances, Methods and Techniques of Translation from Arabic into Latin", in Collogiuim on the Transmission and Reception of Knowledge (Dumbarton Oaks, 5-7 May 1977). xeroxed typescript, pp. 155-73 (esp. pp. 164 ff.). The Velencian archives show master Berenger to have been active there from at least 1322 (and perhaps 1318) until 1353. See further LUIS GARCIA BALLESTER, "La medicina Valenciana del siglo XIV", Actas del 1 er Congreso Espanol de Historia de la Medicina (Madrid, 1963), p. 383-84, and idem, Historia social, p. 25 n. 31.
16. A.C.B., "Manual de Bernat de Vilarrubia" April 1302-July 1302, fol. 110r-v.
17. ARCHIVO GENERAL DE PROTOCOLOS DE BARCELONA, "Manual de Pere Folquer, 1338, pp. 134-41; SEE RICARD CARRERAS VALLS, "Introduccio a la historia de la cirurgia a Catalunya: Bernat Serra i altres..." Tres treballs permiats en el concurs d'homentage a Gimbernat (Perpignan, 1936), pp. 1-63.
18. In December 1332 Alfonso made a grant to "Olmocat Sarracenam domesticam nostram in presenti infirmitate nostra ex officio suo ciururgie ...pro labore in infirmitate ipsa", (A.C.A. Canc. Reg. 500, fol. 146); in February 1332/3 there is a reference to Cahat Sarracena Valencia cirurgica nostra", (A.C.A. Canc. Reg. 486, fol 12).
19. Interpret the word "caractes" as cognate with caracter" (Cat.) and referring to graven symbols which, as the text shows, were to be worn ("portare") by Maria: hence, I suggest, "seals". The text is quoted by JOSEPH PARARNAU I ESPELT, "Activitats i formules superstitcioses deguarcio a Catalunya en la primera meitat del segle XIV". Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics i (1982), 54 n. 26, but with no attempt to explain "caractas".
20. A.C.A. "Canc. Reg.", 239, fol. 181 v; "Reg. 240"; fol. 124; "Reg. 210", fol. 34v.
21. AVICENNA, liber canonis (Venice, 1507; reprint Hildesheim, 1984), lib. III fen 1 tr, 2; fols. 173-80. It should, however, be acknowledged that for some Jewish Christian physicians (including Arnald of Villanova) the use of seals and talismans was thought to be of medicinal value, though this was a matter of some controversy in the fourteenth century: see BRUNO DELMAS, "Medailles astrologiques et talismaniques dans le midi de la France (XIIIe-XVIe siecle)", 96e Congres national des Societes savantes (Toulouse, 1971), archeologie, t. II, pp.437-54.
22. This table includes only those practitioners who can be identified as active in a particular region of the Kingdom of Aragon, about 80% of the total.
23. These figures, which are inevitably largely conjectural, are based on J. N. HILLGARTH. The Spanish Kingdoms 1250-1516 (Oxford, 1976), I, pp. 29-32, and references there.
24. GARCIA BALLESTER, "Historia social", pp. 21-22, n. 22, suggests that this master may have been the Montpellier physician Bernard Gordon, but this Bernard is not known to have practiced outside of Provence (ssee luke Demaitre, Doctor Bernard de Gordon (Toronto, 1980). On the physicians I have so far identified as active in the appropriate time period, the most likely possibility is master Bernat Frayre or de la Grassa (active at least 1321-1333). On the other hand, it would seem more likely that al-Shafra learned his art from a surgeon than from a physician: in that case, his master might have been Bernat Borrac or Bernat de Molla, both practicing surgery in Valencia by at least 1321. I have found no trace of a surgeon named Bernat in Valencia at an earlier date.
25. GARCIA BALLESTER,"Historia social", pp. 21-22; H.P.J. Renaud, 'Un chirrurgien musulman du royaume de Grenade: Muhammad al-Safra", Hesperis 20 (1935), 1-20.
26. For a discussion of the situation of the Muslim communities in the crown of Aragon in the mid-fourteenth century, see John Boswell, The Royal Treasure (New Haven and london, 977).
27. A.C.A. "Canc. Reg.", 569, fol. 38v; "Reg. 441", fol. 17r-v.

 BURNING MIRRORS AND THE PERSPECTIVE*
Prof. Rushdi Rashed
FRANCE

ABSTRACT

The profound change in the theory of vision reached by Ibn al-Haytham, may be characterized as a systematic introduction of new norms -mathematical and experimental to treat traditional problems in which light and vision are united. Until then light had been considered to be the instrumentality of the eye and to see an object was to illuminate it. In order to construct a theory of light, it was necessary to begin with a theory of vision; but to establish a theory of vision required taking position on the propagation of light. Each task immediately involved the other and each theory borrowed the language of the other.

The optics of Aristotle, like that of Euclid, and even that of Ptolemy, comprised both factors. In order to introduce the new norms systematically, a better differentiation forced itself on Ibn al-Haytham. But how did it happen? To understand this capital theoretical transformation, we propose to go back to the theory of burning mirrors, as it was constituted particularly by al-Kindi and other scientists. This point, very neglected in the history of optics and the theory of vision, seems to us quite important to grasp the preparation of Ibn al-Haytham's revolution.

_____________________________________________________________

* As the full text could not be made available, we are publishing here the abstract only.

ISLAMIC MATERIAE MEDICAE AND THEIR INFLUENCE UPON THE WEST: A STUDY OF SOME ASPECTS
Hakim Mohammed Said and Dr. Kamal Mohammad Habib
PAKISTAN

While reflecting upon the history of medicine, itself a compost of several factors round which the patina of ages long past has collected, and no matter how much we might try to rasp the surface, the history of the origins of some of the elements that have shaped medicine stand irretrievably lost. One of the principal factors in this compost relate to drugs. Nevertheless, even in the face of the evidence available to us, it is possible for us to reconstruct some of the contributions made to medicine and its history both by Muslim physicians and historians. For example, we may justifiably claim that the dictionary of the biographies of famous physicians compiled by Ibn-abi-Usaybi ah, the mediaeval Syria Arab historian and biographer, Uyun al-Anba fi Tabaqat al-Atibb, may well have anticipated the present-day dictionaries of national biographies and Who's Who in different disciplines. If Ibn-abi Usaybi h's comprehensive work were not the first to have addressed itself to the kind of discipline we have in mind, founded as it was upon the Arab quest for genealogy, the claim might have appeared unwarranted; but, since the Western interest in biography as and art is definitely in the proper sense a mediaeval phenomenon, biography in its classified form derives in a large measure from Islamic contributions to the subject.

We have referred to this aspect by way of a preamble only. Perhaps a more cogent instance we that of Islamic materiae medicae.

(i) Pre- and Post-Islamic Materiae Medicae

It was through the pioneering efforts of Arabs that The Greek Herbal of Pedanios Dioscorides was transmitted to mediaeval Europe. It was translated directly into Arabic without resort to a Syriac intermediate in 9th ceA.D. by a Nestorian, Istafan bin-Basil, also known as Stephanos. Another Nestorian of Syrian origin, and one of the greatest translators of all times, Hunayn ibn-lshaq al-Ibadi, improved upon this work, and wrote its redaction. But for these translations during the Abbasid era, which blazed an altogether new tradition, -Dioscorides' work would have been consigned to irredeemable oblivion. Even during the Medieval Age Dioscorides was remembered largely through aphorisms and the magical properties of drugs. Improved versions of this monumental work were made available from time to time, especially in the Western Caliphate.

While it is true that Dioscorides' attempt is the first integrated one in human history, how many of the drugs mentioned by him would be identifiable today? The genus of the plant, possibly yes; but what of the species? It has therefore been contended with some justification that at best only one-sixth of the drugs described by Dioscorides could be properly identified today.

The Muslim contribution to materiae medicae is of a twofold nature. One lies in the direction of the preparation of aqrabadhins or medical formularies and the other in the direction of discovering new drugs with therapeutic properties or investing known drugs with additional curative properties, as will be discussed later. The word, aqrabadhin, is itself a loanword from the Greek graphidon. The Greek word means a list or registry. In Arabic it became synonymous with a list or registry of drugs and prescriptions. This alone represents a very high water-mark of achievement insofar as the pre-Islamic Arab knew of only a few drugs, and these too simples. Considerable and unremitting clinical and pharmacological study must have gone to determine the overall effect of a polypharmaceutical and the synergistic properties of simples. And so we get two kinds of writings: those devoted to the materiae medicae and those describing polypharmaceuticals. Some Muslim physicians made aqrabadhins part of their medical works, e.g. Ibn-Juljul (possibly in the Tafsir, asma' al-adwiyal al-mufradah or An Exegesis of the Names of Drug Simples, now in Madrid, 233) and the Dhakhirah-i Khwarazmshahi (in Persian) by Sayyid Ismail Jurjani, the tenth book of the letter work comprising a medical formulary. Martin Levey has hypothesized that the aqrbadhin might have derived its origin form Galen's Die compositione medicamentorum... and further "that it persisted as a pharmacological form into the nineteenth century". The same writer who translated and edited the Aqrabadhin of Al-Kindi says in his introduction to the work:

...The manuscript lists many prescriptions without any definite
organization as to their medical purposes, kind of medicament, or any
other category. But internal evidence suggests that the manuscript was
arranged by the type of medicament, such as decoctions, pills,
ointments, and syrups. This type of arrangement for an aqrabadhin was a favourite one in early Muslim medicines.

Prior to thirteenth century A.D. several medical formularies, e.g. those by Sabur bin-Sahl (d.869 A.D.), al-Razi (d.925 A.D.), Ishaq bin-Hunayn (fi. 870-92 A.D.), Sa'id ibn-Hibbat Allah (d. 1101 A.D.), Al Tilmidh bin-Salamah (d.1165 A.D.), Al-Qalanisi (d.1194 A.D.), and Najib al-Din Samarqandi (killed by the Mongols during the sack of Herat in 1222 A.D.).

Just as in case of encyclopaedic biographies, so in the case of medical formularies, Europe began to adopt this form of medical writing three centuries after Al-Kindi. Pietro d' Abano (ca.1250-1316 A.D.) added a supplement in Latin to the medical formulary of Masawayh Al-Mardini (d.1015 A.D.), the original Arabic test of the work being no longer extant. This Latin version remained current almost for centuries, and Masawayh, in fact, came to be designated as pharmacopoerum evangelicta in Europe.

The first extant materia medica in Arabic -and also possibly one of the most original of all times -is by Abu-Hanifah Ahmad bin-Da'ud al-Dinawari (d.895 A.D.). It is rather unfortunate that it is extant from the radif alif to za. The work is characterized by linguistic finesse and excellence of observation. Al-Biruni's Kitab al-Saydanah fi al-Tibb follows the approach of Al-Dinawari. One characteristic feature of this approach is that the writer of a materia medica does not confine himself merely to descriptions of medicinal plants but seeks to establish the identification of the plant or drug from quotations from established writers and poets. Whereas Dioscorides made actual observations in his capacity as a physician in the army of the emperor Nero, Muslim writers of materiae medicae not only described the physical and therapeutic attributes of a drug, but fortified their conclusion regarding its properties from authorities. A random quotation from al-Biruni's Kitab al-Saydanah might perhaps explain this aspect graphically:

Al-arar. -The author of al-Mashahir says it is bahar al-barr. Abu-Hanifah writes that it is fragrant like tayyib al-rih [buphthalmus or buphthalmum (ox-eye)]. Asma i says it is bahar al-barr and has quoted a verse in support thereof (wafar metre):

Satiate thyself with the ox-eye of Najd. Thou shalt not have the fortune
to see it in Syria.

Another poet (in the Kamil metre) says:

White in the morning and pale in the evening like the ox-eye. Abu-Hanifah (further) writes: "It is wild bahar, very yellow, with broad buds. Iguanas and chamaeleons are excessively fond of it". Ibn Mandawayh says "One variety of this plant is lethal. It acts as a sternutatory when sniffed. Some varieties induce intoxication, whilst others are very pungent; they should be avoided".

 ISLAMIC SCIENTIFIC HISTORY: WHERE TO NEXT?
Prof. Allen G. Debus
U.S.A.

Recent research in the History of Science has shown the importance of Islamic achievements  of the eighth through the thirteenth centuries A.D. as well as the essential contribution of Islamic science to the Scientific Revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but the rapid development of the history of science in recent decades has shown us that there is much to be learned by moving outside of the traditional internalist and positivistic viewpoint that characterized the history of science when it was dominated by George Sarton and Alexander Koyre. I was encouraged by the work of the organizers of the recent conference on "Science in Islamic Polity" held in Islamabad. They wrote that their conference would:

Serve its real purpose only if the delegates, instead of dwelling on the past and merely reflecting the erstwhile glory of Islam, would concentrate on the present and recommend concrete action program for the resurgence of scientific thought and the spirit of discovery in Islamic Polity, with a view to bringing the Islamic countries at par with the West in the matter of Science and Technology, in as short a time as possible.

I am not one who believes that the purpose of history is to forecast the future. However, I do believe that history is essential for an understanding of the present and if we do not understand the present it will be very difficult for anyone to plan for the future. If our interest in the past remains positivistic in the sciences then we will continue to comb the older Arabic texts primarily for precursors to the moderns. Such research will surely lead to other discoveries of great importance for our understanding of the background to modern science, but it will do little to help us to understand the long period of decline and if we do not understand this how can we possibly suggest remedies for the future.

Let me suggest then that historical methodology is important. For this reason I will discuss some interpretations of the Scientific Revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and on the basis of this research make some suggestions for future research in the history of Arabic science.

The history of science as an academic subject in this century is due largely to the efforts of George Sarton. But Sarton had a strong personal view of what this subject should be. He wrote that science is "systematized positive knowledge" and that the main object of historians of science should be "not simply to record isolated discoveries, but rather to explain the progress of scientific thought, the gradual development of human consciousness, that deliberate tendency to understand and to increase our part in the cosmic evolution". In short, as a positivist Sarton sought a history of real science that is science, as we know it today.

Sarton also believed in a hierarchy of the sciences. Mathematics stood at the top since it was necessary for the mathematical sciences; astronomy, physics and chemistry. Only eventually as we followed this scheme would we descend to the life sciences. And, as he believed that the biological sciences stood far below the mathematical sciences, he believed that medicine was lower still. Indeed, he felt that medical historians had presented a warped version of scientific history because of their insufficient scientific knowledge.

George Sarton died in 1956, but by that time his view of the history of science was already on the wane. The most recent writings in the field then were critical of Sarton and the author most frequently referred to, as a model was Alexander Koyre, the Russian philosopher of science. It is understandable that Koyre should have insisted on a close linkage between scientific and philosophical thought, but history was also important for him because through it we would be given a sense of the 'glorious progress" of the evolution of scientific ideas. Like most other scholars in the field Koyre centered his research on the development of physics and astronomy in the period from Copernicus to Newton. He explained the Scientific Revolution as a fundamental change in world views from Aristotelian to Copernican. This revolution was not to be explained by changes in society, a move from contemplation to active research, or even "the replacement of the teleological and organismic pattern of thinking and explanation by the mechanical and causal pattern". In a sense the Scientific Revolution was for Koyre the triumph of the mathematical influence of Plato over the anti-mathematical influence of Aristotle. And yet, if Sarton would have disagreed with Koyre over the importance of Plato for the rise of modern science, both would have agreed that the subject of the history of science was science and that this was the story of progress.

The development of the field in the past quarter century has been characterized for the most part by a rejection of the internalist and positivistic viewpoints of both Sarton and Koyre. For instance, Sarton had dismissed alchemy, astrology and natural magic as "pseudo-sciences" which could be ignored by historians. A series of books by Walter Pagel, beginning with his magisterial paracelsus in 1958 pointed out that religious motives as well as Sarton's "pseudo-sciences" were major factors in the crystallization of modern science. Recognizing the fallacy of Sarton's positivism for historical research, Pagel argued that such an approach "based on the selection of material from the modern point of view, may endanger the presentation of historical truth.

Indeed, histories in which "discoveries and theories of the past are taken from their original context to be judged alongside modern scientific and medical entities" are likely to be dangerously misleading. Pagel's answer was a call for historical context. When this has been done, he explained:

It will then appear that not only certain standards of technical equipment made discoveries possible, but that these can be seen also as the offspring of certain non-scientific ideas and of a particular cultural background.

[The History of Science] will then appear much more complicated than it does in the usual perspective of straight lines of progress. Yet we will have to embark on the cumbersome task of reconstructing ancient thought if we wish to write history and not best sellers.

The work of Pagel was seconded by that of the late Dame Frances Yates who wrote a series of books relating the Scientific Revolution to the mystical Hermetic texts to which she described the Ranaissance interest in natural magic and the rise of experimental method". In short, both Pagel and Yates argued that the Western Scientific Revolution could not be explained without an understanding of religious themes and mysticism evident in the works of the period.

More recently there has been an increased interest in the social context of science. Thus Keith Thomas' Religion and the Decline of Magic (1971) is a monumental contribution to our understanding of the early modern intellectual scene in England while Christopher Hill has used the recent studies of alchemy and the Paracelsians as an integral key to his understanding of the English Civil War. Margaret Jacob has gone much further to argue that the triumph of Newtonian physics may have been due less to the internal worth of Newton's science than it was to the fact that English theologians sought a powerful ally through their espousal of the Newtonian synthesis. For her, the social explanation of the triumph of Newtonianism is to be found in "its usefulness to the intellect al leaders of the Anglican Church as an underpinning for their vision of what they liked to call the "world politick". The ordered, providentially guided, mathematically regulated universe of Newton gave a model for a stable and prosperous polity, ruled by the self-interest of men". In short, we see here an explanation of the Newtonian triumph on grounds totally divorced from the ac that Newton's work represents the culmination of nearly a century and a half of scientific discussions and reseleading from the De revolutionibus orbium (1543) of Copernicus to the Principia mathematica (1687).

Of course those who seek to maintain the dominance of traditional internalist studies in the field have been distressed by these developments. At a meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science held in December 1979, Charles C. Gillispie lashed out against those who accepted the new methodologies in the field. As reported in Science. Gillispie complained that "the history of science is losing its grip on science, leaning heavily on social history, and dabbling with shoddy scholarship". He attacked those who discussed scientific problems but who had little or no scientific training. Of course Gillispie's plea for a return to the values of Koyre has been dismissed by the social historians of science who have replied that:

The social history of science has by now established itself within the discipline as a legitimate method of approaching the past. Despite recent rearguard action, notably by C.C. Gillispie, most historians accept that the traditional practices of analyzing theoretical developments within the sciences need to be supplemented by the study of the changing social foundations of scientific activity. The "internal vs. external" debates of the late 1960s are, one hopes a thing of the past.

My point has been to indicate that historical methodology in the history of science is currently in a state of flux. The field is moving far beyond its earlier emphasis on internalist, technical developments. A rising new interest in science and religion, the social setting of science and even the pseudo-sciences is doing much to broaden our understanding of the complex nature of scientific growth.

But how does this affect the history of Arabic science to date, very little. If we turn to the Journal of the History of Arabic Science we note that the great bulk of current research is devoted to technical aspects of Arabic science in the period from the eighth through the thirteenth centuries A.D. The papers we read there deal with mathematics, astronomy, technology and medicine. All too seldom do we find an author such as Seyyed Hossein Nasr who indicates the religious substrate of the science he discusses. Anton Heinen has criticized the current state of this subject in noting that.

The available source material is exploited and interpreted in a somewhat naive, isolated manner. Thus writings of a primarily theological or mystical nature are left to the theologians, while natural scientists, for their historical studies, concentrate on the early books on mathematics, astronomy, medicine and the like.

In fact, he adds physical questions are often enmeshed in theological ones and should be studied in that context.

The situation described by Heinen is similar to that relating to the study of the Scientific Revolution a quarter century ago. At that time scholars confined themselves almost exclusively to science, as we understand it today. The fact that Newton wrote almost as much on alchemy as he did on mechanics, that he published a book on the prophecies of Daniel, and that he discoursed on the chronology of ancient kingdoms could be ignored because these subjects were not "science". Today we know better. We cannot understand Newton unless we understand the total Newton the mystic as well as the founder of classical mechanics. Indeed, it would seem that his search for world order, world harmony, was spurred by his mystical bent. There are those who argue that his physics may have been dependent upon it.

In a larger sense, the Western Scientific Revolution itself was part of a very broad intellectual spectrum. Even if we turn solely to the scientific and medical texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries we soon become aware that the concerns of authors interested in a new philosophy of nature went far beyond astronomy and the physics of motion. No group was more insistent on change than the followers of Paracelsus (1493-1541), the Swiss-German chemist and physician who sought to overturn the Aristotelianism and Gelenism of the Universities. Both he and his disciples hoped to return to a pristine theology imparted by God to Adam and to a certainty that could be found through divine Revelation seen in the Holy Scriptures and in God's created book of nature. These Paracelsians were deeply influenced by the Reformation as well as by their search for a new science. Their works cannot be understood without taking into account their religious motives. Their insistence on this very point became a subject of debate between them and the mechanists for well over a century after the death of Paracelsus. In sharp contrast with the Paracelsians, the mechanical philosophers sought to divorce the study of science from religious consideration. This separation of science and religion has been a characteristic of Western science since the late seventeenth century and any attempt to explain the development of European science without taking this into account would necessarily be incomplete.

In a paper I prepared for the International Congress of the History and Philosophy of Science held in Islamabad in 1979. I rapidly reviewed the confrontation between the Mechanical Philosophers and the more mystical Chemical Philosophers who followed Paracelsus and then went on to compare the outcome of this debate with the contemporary scene in Islam. In Europe we witness at this time the foundation of the first modern scientific academies with their attendant journals while a series of discoveries lead from Copernicus to Kepler, Galileo, Isaac Newton and classical mechanics.

In the biological sciences we have a similar progression in anatomy from Vesalius to Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood. The Paracelsians, however, determined as they were to overturn the traditional science and medicine of Aristotle and Galen, were eventually discredited by the mechanists because of their religious enthusiasm and their mystical approach to nature.

In Islam during this crucial period we find very few references to the monumental discoveries that led to the Scientific Revolution. An understanding of nature apart from religious considerations was not appealing to Islamic authors. There are very few references to those Western astronomers and mechanists whose work led to the new science of Isaac Newton. However, as I have pointed out earlier, there is one significant exception: the work of Paracelsus and his followers was known in he Arabic speaking world.

The Gayat al-itqan fi tadbir badan al insan was completed no later than 1640 by the Aleppan physician, Salih Ibn Nasr Allah Ibn Sallum (d. 1669/1670). He is one of the very few Arabic texts reflecting the events of the contemporary Western European Scientific Revolution and although this is evident throughout the work it is seen especially in the fourth section titled "New Chemical Medicine invented by Paracelsus". The work is indeed what it purports to be, a treatise on the chemical medicine of the Paracelsians. Ibn Sallum rejected the humoral pathology of Galen and placed reliance on the three Paracelsian principles, Salt, Sulphur and Mercury. He accepted the concept of a universal medicine and went on to describe the occult properties of plants and minerals as well as their connection with the planets and the parts of the human body. He also discussed the doctrine of signatures and cited the works of several other western followers of Paracelsus. An appendix to this work claims to be a translation of Oswald Croll's Basilica chymica (1609) which was one of the most important discussions of chemical medicine produced in this period.

Julio Samso has published a paper on the effect of Spanish-Tunisian contacts in science a medicine in the Renaissance and he has noted a number of Paracelsian translations that exist in Tunis. The point to be made here is that references to Paracelsus and his mystical religiously oriented medicine are not uncommon in Arabic texts. This is in stork contrast to the very few references to western physicists and astr.

There seem to be very few studies on the lack of Arabic references to the Western Scientific Revolution. And those who have touched on the work of Ibn Sallum have emphasized that this text represents the introduction of modern medicine and chemistry in Islam. This conclusion may well be so, but is this only question we want to ask?

If we are truly interested in the present state of Islamic science I think that we should also be asking why Paracelsus was of interest to Islamic scholars and Galileo was not. This involves the question of the transmission of science as well as broader cultural factors that either promote or discourage science. Considerable time and effort has been spent on the problem of the transmission of Greek science to Islam…and similarly there has been much interest in the transmission of Islamic science to the West in the Middle Ages. However, cultural influences are normally mutual exchanges. Interest in Islamic scientific texts in the West of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is now well documented. On the other hand why should there have been relatively little interest in Western science in Islam in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries even though that science and technology were making it possible for Western European nations to dominate the rest of the world. If we want to assess Islamic science today we should be trying to understand why Islam did not turn to the new developments in the West in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Nor need we limit ourselves to that particular period. We may choose other more recent crucial developments in the sciences. Here I am thinking particularly of Darwinian evolution. This is a subject with distinct religious overtones as we see today in the Creationist debate. If we are interested in understanding the relationship of religion to science in Islam the case of evolutionary theory is surely a significant one for historians to examine in detail.

There are as yet few studies relating the history of Islamic science to the present. One exception is an article by Ahmad Y. Hassan, titled "Some Obstacles Hindering the Advance of Science and Technology in the Arab Countries". Here he writes of the great achievements of the medieval period and of the importance of Islamic science for the rise of Western science. But then he continues by discussing the prevention of Arab Progress which he ascribes to Western injustice and persecution, Arab disunity, cultural domination and the use of foreign languages, economic dominance and the isolation of one Arab Country from another.

There is surely truth to some of Hassan's arguments, but I think that it will be necessary to go beyond accusing the West of domination and complaining of Arab disunity if we are to seek remedies for the future. I believe that there is a real role for History to play in all of this. To be sure history is playing an important role in resurrecting the importance of the great period of Islamic science. There is no longer any question of the crucial role played by the transmission of Greek and Arabic science and medicine in the rise of Western science in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. However if we are to understand the present it may be less important to rediscover the high points of medieval Islamic science than it is to examine the later period.

To what can we attribute the lesser interest in the sciences in Islam in the period after the thirteenth century?. A key to this may well be found in religion. Surely the work of Al-Gazzali (eleventh century A.D.) pointed away from the sciences. He questioned the value of mathematics, complained that logic was being overestimated and said that the natural sciences were not to be rejected, but that they were peripheral subjects for the true believer.

I think that at least some Islamic historians should be concentrating on the course of the sciences after the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Instead of asking whether sixteenth century anatomists used the work of Ibn al-Nafis in regard to the lesser circulation, without crediting him, they should be asking whether the scientific achievements of the West were known to Arabic scientists. Why was there so little reaction to the Scientific Revolution? At that time there was little Western domination to contend with. We should be looking for cultural and religious change that may have affected interest of the sciences. Surely we want to know what works in the sciences were being copied and being read at this time.

Only a few years ago the situation in Iran had significant scientific overtones. There the Shah sought a rapid technological modernization. But there was over-whelming cultural and religious reaction to this program. I think that the lesson is clear, scientific progress must be acceptable with the desires of the people. I believe that gifted youths can be educated at the most advanced research laboratories of Western Universities, but unless the desired results correspond to what the people of a country want, there is little hope for their acceptance. I think it is necessary to give the benefits of a European education to the best students, but the resultant excellence in a new "golden era" of Islamic science will occur only if it proceeds within the traditional Islamic culture and religion. To accomplish this difficult task Islamic scientists, statesmen and religious leaders must work together in harmony for the future.

FOOTNOTES

1. 'International Conference on Science in Islamic Polity -Its Past Present & Future" (Islamabad: Pan Graphics, 1983), p.1.
2. GEORGE SARTON, "Introduction to the History of Science" (3 vols. in 5, laltimore: Published for the Carnegie Institution of Washington by Williams and Wilkins, 1927-1947), 1 p. 3.
3. Ibid., p. 6.
4. GEORGE SARTOB, "A History of Science; Ancient Science Through the Golden Age of Greece" (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), PP. xi-xii.
5. ALEXANDRE KOYRE, "Etudes Galileennes" (3 parts, 1935-1939; reprinted in one volume, Paris, Hermann, 1966), p. 11.
6. ALEXANDRE KOYRE, "From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe" (New York: Harper Torchbook, 1957), p. v.
7. SARTON, "Introduction", 1, p. 19.
8. WALTER PAGEL, "The Vindication of Rubbish", Middlesez Hospital Journal (Autumn, 1945), 1-4.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid., 4.
11. See particularly FRANCES A. YATES, "Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press; London: Routledge & Regan Paul; Toronto: The University of Toronto Press, 1964) and "The Rosicrucian Enlightenment"' (London and Boston: Routledge & Regan Paul, 1972).
12. CHRISTOPHER HILL, "The World Turned Upside Down; Radical Ideas During the English Revolution (1972; New York: The Viking Press, 1973), see especially pp. 231-246.
13. MARGARET C. JACOB, "The Newtonians and the English Revolution 1689-1720" (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976), p. 18.
14. WILLIAM J. BROAD, "History of Science Losing Its Science"' Science, 297 (January 25, 1980), 389.
15. PAUL WOOD, "Recent Trends in the History of Science; The dehumanisation of history", BSHS Newsletter, No. 3 (September, 1980), 19-20.
16. See the "Brief Index to Volumes 1 through 5" (1977-1981), Journal for the History of Arabic Science, 5 (nos. 1 and 2).
17. ANTON M. HEINEN, "Mutakallimun and Mathematicians; Traces of a controversey with lasting consequences"' Der Islam, 55 (1978), 57-73.
18. See ALLEN G. DEBUS, "The Chemical Philosophy; Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteenth Centuries" (2 vols., New York: Science History Publications, 1977).
19. ALEN G. DEBUS, "Mysticism and the Rise of Modern Science"' History and Philosophy of Science: Proceedings of the International Congress of the History and Philosophy of Science Islamabad, 8-13 December, 1979 (Karachi, Hamdard Foundation Press, 1983), pp. 46-61.
20. An exception will be found in JUAN VERNET's Astrologia Y Astronomia en el Renacimento: La revolucion copernicana (Barcelona: Ariel, 1974) and his 'Copernico y los Arabes" in Actas del II Coloquio Hispano Tunecino de Estudios Historicos (Madrid/Barcelona, mayo 1971) Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, Madrid, 1973), pp. 191-208.
21. See DEBUS, "Mysticism and the Rise of MoScience", pp. 56-57; SAMI K. HAMARNEH, "Arabic-Islamic Alchemy. Three Interwined Stages", Ambix, 29 (1982), 47-87 (83-84); Owsei Temkin, Galenism: Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1973), p. 132; Manfred Ullmann, Die Die Medizin im Islam (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970) pp. 106-107, 182-184: Paul Richter, 'Paracelsus im Lichte des Orients"' Archiv fur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik, 6, (1913).
22. JULIO SAMSO, ETHNICA (Barcelona), 9 (1975), 243-254.
23. AHMAD Y. HASSAN, "Some Obstacles Hindering the Advance of Science and Technology in the Arab Countries", Historia Scientiarum, 19 (1980), 31-46.
24. SEYYED HOSSEIN NASR, "Science and Civilization in Islam" (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968).

 THE INFLUENCE OF ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION ON EUROPEAN CIVILlZATION DURING THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD IN THE FIELD OF MEDICINE OR ITS ALLIED SUBJECT
Prof. Dr. A. Mottaleb
BANGLADESH

The coming of Islam in the sixth century created faith and confidence in its followers and gave them a message of brotherhood and a measure of Democracy. They led great conquest and within the hundred years of the death of Prophet organized a Wonderful Kingdom from the East Coast of Arabian sea to the East Coast of Atlantic & developed a culture and civilization which stood as a marvel of the middle ages when the whole World and Europe was plunged into barbaric ignorance and rift alone held the torch of learning and civilization brightly shining which lighted the World upto 1650. Islam considered the religion of Science to be the Twin sisters and on the fundamental faith the glory of Islamic Science & Medicine flourished.

Among the ancients we do not find much science in Egypt, China and India, and just a bit of it in Greece and it was absent in Rome. The Arabs had the scientific spirit of enquiry and they may be considered to be the father of the Modern Science.

The main achievement of medieval Arabic Medicine and its influence on the European Medicine was in the field of:-

Systemization.
Development of Pharmacology.
Establishment of Surgery.
Establishment of Ophthalmology.
And
Building of Hospitals.

This can be said that the rise of Islam, one of the wonders of the world brought fundamental changes in faith, Philosophy, Politics, Economics, Arts and above all science and everything that is needed for civilized living for which there is no second example on the Earth. The wisdom of the other people were taken and the man educated in previous traditions when become Muslim fused their formal learning with the Ouranic Philosophy. Their contributions went into the general stream of Islamic thoughts and thus an autonomous Islamic culture and science took shape.

On the basis of this knowledge gained from others they made their own researches and made several important discoveries. These scientific activities took place allover the Islamic Empire but above all toward Baghdad the capital of Islam the eye of Iraq, the seat of empire, the centre of beauty culture and arts. The Arabs were great travelers, Historians and Writers (Al-Beruni, Ibne Batuta, etc.) which contributed in the flow of knowledge in the Islamic World. Supreme confidence and faith in himself the Prophet had which he left as heritage for his followers is evidenced by his invitations to the mighty emperors of Persia, Rome, Constantinapole and China to embress Islam.

Arabic Medicine began with translation from Greek and Syria created by ORIBASIOS AND PAULOS of Aegina. The Arabs took over the Galanic system, corrected it, improved it added new things to it until the European impact on it in the 19th century. When the chief works of Galen & Hippocratics were available in Arabic, the Christian lost their monopoly in Medicine & several Muslims reached such a stature in Medical science they stood for above their oredecessor and become greater than the Greatest -the Greeks.

The attitude of Europe to the Arabs & Islam was a contrast of fear and admiration coupled with acknowledgement of superiority. This was altered with the capture of Toledo in 1085, the conquest of Sicily in 1091 and fall of Jerusalem in Christian Cruseders in 1099. These events along with tread brough the Western Europe in contact with Islamic Civilization in Muslim Spain & in Palestine. There for the first time they realised that the Islamic culture & Science is far more superior that they ever seen before. So started the translation of Arabic science into Latin & on the foundation of which the Europe has developed the Modern science. Not Merely did Islam share with Western Europe many material product and technological discoveries; not merely did it stimulate Europe internationally in the fields of but it provoked Europe in the forming a new image of itself. According to Baron-Carra-de-Bany the writer of legacy of Islam concludes by saying that the Arabs have really achieved great things in science they taught the use of Arabic numerals and thus became famous of arithmetic in everyday life. They made Algebra & exact science and laid the foundation of analytical Geometry plans and spherical Trigonometry, which did not exit among the Greek. In Astronomy they made valuable contribution because they had to know the direction of Makkah. It was in fact in the sphere of Mathematics and Astronomy that the fast advances were made by the Arabs in Islam. They also made a considerable contribution and sea fearing and discovered the telescope and mariners compass. They talked well the art of gracious living in which the small things the shocks and kamizs were introduced by the Muslim thinkers which passed from Islamic World through Constantinapole to Europe. Of the Other Sciences contributed by the Arabs the most important was Al-Camy in the sense of Chemistry.

Jabir-Ibne-Haiyan was the most prominent among the chemists, several names for substances and chemical vessels have come into European languages from Jabir Corpus. The Arabs made a substantial contribution in the field of Botany, Zoology & Mineralogy and the best works were in Botany, Logic and Metaphysis also took a greater strive during the Islamic period. Imam Gazzali (R) and Ibne-Seena, Ibne-bajja, Musa-Ibne-Maymun were the top in logic, Metaphysis and Theology.

The Romans for the first time established Military Hospital for the treatment of soldiers but it took a complete shape during Islamic civilization. Hospitals were for the first time established in Europe in 13^th century. The European hospitals were established in the imitation of Hospitals in Baghdad, Cordova and Damascus. There were about 60 hospitals in 1116 A.D. which started during the regime of Caliph Harun-or-Rashid. The Govt. bore all the expenses of treatment and feeding of the poor patients in the hospital. A fabulous hospital was established in Morocco in 13^th century, which towered all of them during that time.

The administration of hospitals during Islamic civilization has little difference from the administration of hospital in Modern time. Every hospital had indoors and outdoors and indoor had separate arrangement for male and female patients. There were separate wards for different categories such as fevers, ophthalmia, dysentery and surgical cases.

The teaching in the hospital was similar as it is today; Medical examinations were conducted to the fitness of Medical students to become Physicians was established by Khalifa Moktadir in the year 931. The dresses of physicians were identified during the Abbaside regime and Ibnul Amig recommended a dress of the physician as such that it does not make the poor jealous and the rich does not dislike it. He recommended the use of white cloth by the physician, which is even used today.

Ali Ibne Rabban discussed about Physiology in 9th century. He described that blain, heart and liver are the main organs of human body and he described each in detail. He also thought that stomach, gall bladder, spleen and lungs are also necessary for maintenance of the normal physiology of the body in addition to brain, heart and liver.

Ali Ibne Abbas in 10^th century had written his views on the function of the heart and lungs. He described the systole and diastole inspiration and expiration and capillary system.

Ibne-Seena for the first time in Medical history described the theory of bacteria and virus as the cause of the disease. He described the presence of bilirubin, albumin and serum in the blood. He gave a vivid description about ptyalin, Hcl, enzymes in intestines and their role in the process of digestion of food. Nobody for 200 years after him could add anything in addition to his descriptions

Ibnul Khatib in 14th century again postulated that bacteria and virus present in atmosphere are responsible for the cause of certain disease and he cited Plague as an example of this.

The progress of Anatomy during the Islamic periowas slowed down due to religious restriction on dissection of dead body and they followed the science of Galen in this aspect. Yu-Hanna during the regime of Calipha Al-Mansur dissected an ape and wrote a book on Anatomy, which was highly praised by the scientists of his time and scientists after him. Ibne-Seena also wrote a book on Anatomy in Bokhara in 11th century.

In 12th century Abdul Latif wrote a book on Anatomy at an age of 28 and he challenged some information of Galen on Anatomy to be not correct. He described the lower jaw bone is composed of only one single bone instead of two as described by Galen. Subsequently the Arab anatomist described that the skull is composed of 8 pieces of bones, which was described as 7 by Galen. Monsur Fobbe wrote another book on Anatomy on 14th century.

The Muslim scientist of Spain made a break through in the development of surgery. Abul Kasim of Cordova wrote a book on Surgery for the first time in the 10^th century. Al-Razi also wrote a book in surgery in which he described Neuro-surgery, Hernia, Tumour and E.N.T. He recommended the use of goats intestine for stitching at the side of operation. Ali Ibne Abbas also wrote a book on surgery. He gave a vivid description on laryngotomy. Ibne Seena also wrote in detail about surgery. Abul Kasim for the first time established surgical treatment on scientific basis. His book was the first illustrated book in surgery.

Muslim physicians for the first time used devices of anaesthesia for operation on the patients. Ibne Seena recommended opium, latuce seed and belladonna for anaesthesia. He described application of cold water for the relief of pain. Alcohol was mixed with Dernel & water to produce annaesthesia.

Egyptian opium, liquorice extract and colchicum, suckrash in equal quantity mixed with water was used to produce sleep. Venesection as surgical treatment was used for the treatment of hypertension, cellulitis & intracranial haemorrhage.

During the 10th century Al- Razi used cautery as a surgical treatment which is still being maintained. He advised operation and cautery for cancer, physiotherapy for paralysis and cautery to stop bleeding and for gangrene. Both Ibne-Seena and Abul Kasim mentioned especially the use of cautery in their books.

Arab physicians used to treat fractures by using an ointment with immobilization and this was used by Abul Mansur in 10th century which he developed into plaster of Paris in 19th century in Europe.

Ibne Seena has given an illustrated description in the treatment of fracture. Al-Razi and Abul Kasim described the treatment of difficult diseases like fracture of pelvis, paraplegia & vertebral dislocation in their book.

Ibne Seena described the difference between tumour and cancer, which has remained unchanged even today. "Al-Razi recommended operation followed by cautery for the treatment of cancer. Abul Kasim is known to have operated the cancer in the chest. The operation by the Arabian physician in the peritoneum has remained unchanged even today. Peptic ulcer and intestinal ulcers were described by Ibne Seena, Al-Razi. Arab scientist in SIRAJ performed colostomy for the first time. Arabian physicians also treated hernia, hydrocele, urinary calculus by operations.

In 2^nd century Rufus wrote a book on ophthalmology. In 10th century Ibnul Haisum for the first time proved that we can see the object because light from the object comes to the retina. Ali Abbas abd Ibne Seena wrote books on ophthalmology. They used the term retina and catarract and also described conjunctivitis, corneal ulcer, glaucoma, leucoma and night blindness.

Arab physicians also wrote books on Obstetrics and Gynaecology. First description of Caesarean Section is found in Shahanam written by Firdousi about the birth of Persian Hero Rustam. Al Ahnab Bin Kaies was also born by Caesarean Section. During the Islamic period the female doctors used to treat the Gynaecological diseases under the supervision of male surgeons. Cervical polyps and cervical atresia were treated by Arab Gynaecologist, which was described by Bahaud-Dowla.

There is no description of Obstetric in Greek Medicine. During the Islamic period Moschion Aetius and Paul described about obstetrics. Abul Kasim, Ibne Seena and Al-Jurgani wrote on obstetrics as an special subject.

Women were mostly engaged in obstetrical work. The daughter and grand daughter of Avenzoar during 1091 to 1162 were engaged in this profession. Abul Kasim Al-Zahrawi described about cranioplasty operation, in his book Kitabut Tasrif. He also described the use of forceps. He also described Walcher's position during delivery. Ibne Seena wrote in detail about pregnancy in his Qanoon in which he described about Dystocia. He described different procedure for delivery and advised the use of obstetrical forceps perhaps for the dead foetus. They also described about the induction of labour by use of instruments and medicines.

That the use of fillets and obstetrics forceps was first introduced by Arabs and not by the Europeans has been proved by William Smellie (1697-1763). Arab physicians especially Ibne-Seena described about teeth. He described that every tooth has at least one root, and two roots in the tooth of the lower jaw, and wisdom tooth has three roots. Upper teeth have got three roots ro counteract the action of gravitation. Abul Kasim described about the surgery of teeth. Arabian physician in Cordova suggested to apply false teeth from the bull after extraction of sick teeth. Mesu the junior, treated caries teeth by gold cap. He described the sympathetic pain in the disease of the teeth. They used Alcohol to wash wound and cold with ice to stop bleeding and Thermocautery and hot fomentation.

Ibne Seena used cannula for the examination of the Eye. He described lacrimal fistula and recommended daily dressing, which helped to heal the wound quickly. This lacrimal cannula ultimately lead the discovery of Syringe.

CONCLUSION

Because Europe was reacting against Islam and belittled the influence of Islam and exaggerated its dependence on its Greek and Roman Heritage. Today the mankind is moving into the era of the one World, therefore time has come for Europe to correct false emphasis and to acknowledge fully their debt to the Arab and Islamic world.

REFERENCES

1. "Science and the Renaissance". An introduction to the study of the

emergency of the sciences the 16th century By WIGHTMAN, w.p.d.

2. "Contributions of Moslems in science", part-VII, by M. ALI AKBAR.
3. -do- part-VI.
4. "Asian Medical System" A comparative study by CHARLES LESLIE.
5. "The Influence of Islam on Modieval Europe", by W.MONTOGOMERY.
6. "A syllabus of medical history", by FRED B. ROGERSOM.
7. "Islamic surveys" by MANFRED ULLMAN.
8. "Glimpses of world history" by JAWAHARLAL NEHRU.
9. "History of Medicine" by I.H. HERMANN BAAS, M.D., volume-1.

 

Roger Bacon was a medieval English scholar whom many would regard as having been born 'out of his time' because his method of philosophising was so atypical of the thirteenth century A.D. (or 7th Hegira) in which he lived. Although there are only a few brief references to him in contemporary chronicles, it would appear that he received his early education in Oxford before teaching subjects like logic and grammar, natural philosophy, and metaphysics in the Faculty of Arts at Paris University. In later life, he became a Franciscan Friar. The main Sources of biographical information about him and his ideas are contained in his three major works, the Opus major, Opus minor, and Opus tertium all Composed during the later years of his life.

The Aristotelian Corpus was, as might be expected, a dominant formative influence Upon Bacon's philosophy in general, and Upon his natural philosophy in particular; but his world view is distinguishable from most contemporary and later Christian thinkers in the extent of its dependency upon indirect translations into Latin from Syria and Arabic Sources as opposed to direct translations from the Greek. The internalevidence of his writings reveals, for example, that his familiarity with Greek medical texts such as those constituting the Hippocratic Corpus was slight; whereas he quoted frequently and accurately from Johm of Damascus's Aphorisms and Haly ben Rodwan's astrological Commentary on Ptolemy of Alexandria's Tetrabiblos and famous exposition of Galen's Ars Medica. Half of his references to the Jewish physician Isaac ben Solomon Israeli stem from the works of the latter's Arab pupil Ahmed ben Al-Gezzar (alias Ametus). His chief guide in medicine was the Canon of Ibn Sina (Avicenna), whom he cites as frequently as all those other writers combined. In philosophy too, Ibn Sina's influence upon him was more immediate than either that of Aristotle or Ibn Rashd (Averroes).

The book which was destined to have the greatest impact Upon Bacon's mode of thinking and to mould it into a form unique among his western contemporaries, was the pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum Secretorum, or 'The Secret of Secrets', a Latin translation from Arabic by the French -speaking Philip, Bishop of Tripoli. This popular work purports to contain the secret doctrines of Aristotle, written expressly for his famous pupil Alexander the Great, Son of King Philip II of Macedon. Despite the fact that Greek ideas had been incorporated into it, the texture is oriental rather than western, and probably originates from the early 9th century A.D. (2nd Hegira) when there was a Considerable interaction between Persia and Syria.

No Syriac translation has, however, been discovered, and the particular edition which Bacon read in Paris is based Upon the so-called "eastern Arabic form" embodying a number of accretions or additions up to approximately 1220 A.D. (or 580 Hegira).

The author, whoever he may have been, is supposed to be giving Alexander advice on regimen and medicines; the choice of government, Court officials, and ambassadors; and the conduct of wars. Astrology is strongly recommended as a profitable method of anticipating future events; as is the bearing of a talisman or good-luck charm and a herb with healing properties. In the introduction to his own annotated edition of the text, prepared around the mid-13th century A.D., Bacon defends astrology on the ground that since the body is modified hour by hour through the action of the various constellations, it is disposed to act in a prescribed way. However, he is careful to point out that the anticipated course of events can be altered either by the exercise of human free will or by divine intervention. Elsewhere, he lists the neglect of astrology and alchemy together with that of natural philosophy, metaphysics, and sense-experience among the major weaknesses in the contemporary.

 ANAESTHESIA IN ISLAMIC MEDICINE AND ITS INFLUENCE ON WESTERN CIVILIZATION
Prof. Dr. M. Taha Jasser
SYRIA

INTRODUCTION

Science and medicine belong to no ethnic or national group. Of the innumerable scientific discoveries made by man, only few are really the work of a single person, nation, generation and locality. Often a medical discovery is the summation of the many partial contributions made by predecessors throughout the ages.

It is unfortunate that leading historians have ignored the achievements of the orient as a whole and the Muslims in particular in the various fields of science and medicine. There is evidence that  Islamic civilization has made enormous contribution to the progress of science and medicine. Suffice it here to mention the names of few great Muslims scientists whose gigantic contribution to the progress of civilization is presently enjoyed by all mankind. Of these were Alaa El Deen Ibnul Nafiess whose description of the pulmonary circulation antedated the confirmed discoveries of the renaissance period, by 300 years, Ibn El-Haitham the founder of optics and El-Khawarizmi the founder of Algebra, are other great scientific contribution from Islam. The purpose of this study is to highlight the discoveries of Muslims scientists in the field of anaesthesia, which influenced the western civilization and still being used in practice at the present time.

ANAESTHESIA IN ISLAMIC MEDICINE:

The delay in the introduction of pain allaying drugs is attributed to the old belief in the west, that pain and suffering was the price paid by humans for sins.

Humanity is indebted greatly to the introduction of modern anaesthesia by Morton, Wells, Simpson and others. Text books at hand, however, indicate that inhalational anaesthesia as such was not known before, and that there may have been some attempts, tried by the Greeks and Romans who are reported to have used magic and superstition, hypothermia and real use of analgaesic mixtures.

The physicians of Islamic civilization were familiar with surgery and have practiced different kinds of surgical procedures such as amputation, tonsillectomies, excision of tumors, and in some instances describing technical details.

This extent of surgery could not have been performed without some kind of pain allayment. In addition, one of the reasons why the Muslims could make their way into the field of anaesthesia was the fact that the concept of pain as a punishment from God had no place in their belief and tradition.

There is evidence that the Muslims used to administer sedatives and analgaesic mixtures before a surgical operation. A question from Avicenna reads "A patient who wants to have an amputation of one of his organs must have a drink prepared from a mixture of Mandagora and other sleeping drugs". Other plants used for the same purpose were Indian cannabis (Hashish), Opium poppies (El-Khishkash), Shweikran (Hemlock), Bhang and hyoscyamus.

The Muslims scientists are also credited for the introduction of inhalational anaesthesia by using the then called "Anaesthetic sponge" or "Sleeping sponge". A quotation from Sigrid Hunke's book reads: The science of medicine has gained a great and extremely important discovery and that is the use of general anaesthetics for surgical operations, and how unique, efficient, and merciful for those who tried it the Muslim anaesthetic was. It was quite different from the drinks the Indians, Romans and Greeks were forcing their patients to have for relief of pain. There had been some allegations to credit this discovery to an Italian or to an Alexandrian, but the truth is and history proves that, the art of using the anaesthetic sponge is a pure Muslim technique, which was not known before. The sponge used to be dipped and left in a mixture prepared from cannabis, opium, hyoscyamus and a plant called Zoan".

In the field of chemistry, the ether bond (-0-) which is the basic radical in a group of anaesthetics is common use to day (Diethyl, ether, methoxyflurane, enflurane, fluroxene, forane) deserves special consideration. There seems to be some disagreement as to who synthetised ether first. Some sources credit Valerius Cordus who is said to have described the technique of its manufacturing in his book "Annotation on Discorides" (printed 1561) and called it sweat vitriol. Other sources claim that Paracelsus described the synthesis of ether in his "Opera Medico-Chemica Sive Paradoxa" (printed 1605) and reported its use in chicken. In this controversy Armstrong davison made the following statement:" It is not certain that Cordus who died in 1544, deserves the credit of discovery; Paracelsus "Von Honheim" who died in 1541 also described the synthesis of ether in his Opera Medico-Chemica Sive Paradoxa".

There is evidence to indicate that physicians of Islamic medicine were the discoverer of alcohol and probably unknowingly of ether radical (-0-). It is well documented that alcohol was distilled by El-Kindi and although the name is a pure Arabic, coming from the original word 'Al-goul" which means something which knocks down the brain, and it is mentioned in the Holy Quran, describing the wine of paradise as "Free from Al-goul" and those who try it will not suffer from hangover. Despite of that, there has been some attempts to credit the name to a western author Eric, J. Holmyard (1937) came up with the following statement: "It was Paracelsus who first gave the name alcohol to spirit of Wine. Originally signifying the black eye-paint used by eastern women, al-kuhl or al-Kohol had gradually acquired the meaning of any very finely divided powder; thence by a natural transference it came to mean the best or finest part of a substance. Possibly Paracelsus regarded Spirit of Wine the best part of wine and therefore named it alcohol of wine or simply alcohol.

In another study made by M.Y. Hashimi (1968) the view of Holyard is adopted and Hashimi went further to say: "Alcohol is plural of Al-kuhl". Both views are in fact far from the truth. There is no word in Arabic such as alcohol, according to all Arabic dictionaries, Encyclopedias and literature. Al-Kuhl is a remedy put in the eye for treatment and there is no plural of this ward. The Arab as a proverb used to say (Fine as el-Kuhl) for solid substances and certainly not for the liquids and there is evidence that the name alcohol is a deformed conversion of Al-goul, a derivative of El-lgtial which means knocking down swiftly, the characteristics of wine as mentioned by poetry of some Arab poets before Islam.

In the other hand there is evidence that Sulfuric Acid was discovered by Al- Razi. They used to distil alcohol by treating it with sulfuric acid. Considering that diethyl ether can be produced by the extraction of water out of alcohol (2C₂H₅OH +H₂S0₄-------H₂O + C₂H₅-O- C₂H₅ + H₂ SO₄); it becomes likely that the old Muslims were first to lay down the basis for the synthesis of this essential anaesthetic substance.

In the field of restriction, the use of bellows (a prototype of Ambu) is restricted to the Society of Resuscitation of Drowned Persons of Amsterdam in 1767 and to the Royal Humane Society in 1771, some even credit the use of bellows to ventilate the lungs of Paracelsus (1493-1541). However there is evidence that Muslims of the 13th century A.D. were familiar with resuscitation of respiration using the bellows. The following abridged anecdote is taken from Ibn Abi Usibia "Calsses of Physicians" (Ar. Tabakat El-Attibaa) written in the 13th century. The author was a learned physician and oculist who lived chiefly in Cairo and died in 1270 A.D.

Ibn Abi Usibi'a narrates:

"El- Rashid (Emir El Mou'mineen, or Prince of Believers) would not eat unless his physician Gabriel Ibn Boukhtaishou was present. One day Gabriel arrived late to dinner and begged forgiveness of El- Rashid saying that he was busy trying to medicare the cousin of the Emir (Ibrahim Bin Saleh), who was very ill and that he did not think that the cousin would survive longer than the pray of darkness. On hearing this, the grand Vezir Jafar Ibn Yahya interfered and said: "Great Emir El-Mou'mineen, I knone by the name Saleh Bin Bahla who is familiar with the Indian way of medicine and I would suggest seeking his services". Saleh Bin Bahla was summoned and ordered to examine the Emir's cousin, Ibrahim and report back to the Emir. On completing his examination, Saleh Bin Bahla reported saying: "Be humble enough your Majesty, Prince of Believers to be my witness that if your cousin expires tonight, every pet I own will be sacrificed for God, and whatever fortunes I have will be gifted to the poor". When the time of the evening prayer came, the death of cousin Ibrahim was announced. On hearing the news, El-Rashid started to blame Saleh. Saleh kept silent for a while and then shouted: Allah, Allah (God, God) your Majesty Prince of Believers, I urge you not to bury your cousin alive. Your cousin is not dead. Please allow me to see him again". Permission was granted, Saleh brought a bellow and a snuff called (El-Kundus) and started to inflow through the nose of Ibrahim for round twenty minutes. Soon the body of Ibrahim began to shake, then he sneezed and sat in front of El-Rashid, Ibrahim survived, married El-Rashid's sister, Princess El-Abbassia and was appointed governor of Egypt and Palestine".

CONCLUSION

Science has no native home of its own and every person has the right to ask for it. When the talents and circumstances exist, new horizons can be discovered. The Muslims are first in the list of the nations who had the honour of holding the torch of civilization for quite a while and made a great contribution to basic sciences, upon which the modern technology and progress is raised. In the field of anaesthesia and resuscitation, the contribution of Islamic civilization is enormous and its influence on the western civilization is profound and discoveries made have laid down the foundation of modern practice.

Today the Islamic nations are invited to contribute more and more and they are quite capable to do right that again.

REFERENCES

1. HADDAD, F.S.: "Alo-Aldeen Ibnul Nafiess", M.E.J. Anaesth. 4:223-224, 1974.
2. GRAY and NUNN: "General Anaesthesis". Third edition, Vol. I, PP. 708-710, Butterwerths, 1971.
3. WYLIE and CHURCHILL-DAVIDSON: "Practice on Anaesthesia". Third edition, P. 281, Lloyd-Luke,1972.
4. ARMSTRONG DAVIDSON: "General Anaesthesia". Third edition, Vol. I. pp. 716-718, Butterwerths, 1971.
5. AVICENNA: "El-Kanun Fi'l Tibb". Vol. II -371, Vol. III-132, 134, 137, 229. A newly print by El-Musanna Bookshop, Baghdad, Offset from Boulak print (1294 A.H.) and 1877 A.C.).
6. El-SHATTI, SH.: "About Cancer in the Arab Medicine". Proceeding of the 14th Science Week. Publication of High Council of Sciences, Damascus, 1974.
7. SIGRID HUNKE: "Allah Sonne Uber Abendland, Unser Arabische Erbe". Second edition, pp. 279-280, Arabic Text, The trading Office, Beirut, 1969.
8. GRAY and NUNN: "General Anaesthesia". Third edition, Vol.I, p. 711, Butterworths, 1971.
9. EL-KINDI, JACOB IBIN ISAAC: "Chemistry of Perfume and Distillation". Arabic text, p. 50, Leipzig, 1948.
10. The Holy Quran: "El Saffat Verse", Chapter (23), Aiet (46).
11. HOLMYARD, E.J.: "Makers of Chemistry", pp. 111-112, Oxford, 1937.
12. EL-HASHIMI, M.Y.: "Sur L'histoire de L'Alcool". XII Congre International d' Histoire des des Sciences, Albert Blanchard, 1968.
13. IBIN MANZOUR: 'Lissan El-Arab". Vol. II, Lpp. 584-587, Sader house, Beirut.
14. EL-RAZI, EBU-BAKIR: "Kitab El-Esrar", p.4,109 and 110. Milli-UNESCO Dar lran,Shamara commission publication, Jib Khana, Haydari, 1343 A.H.
15. HERHOLDT, J. D., and RAFN, C.G.: "Life Saving Measures of Drowning Persons", Copenhagen, 1796. Reprinted by Scandinavian Society of Anaesthesiologists, Aahus, 1960.
16. IBN ABI-USIBI'A: "Classes of Physicians". Wahbiya Press, 1922.
17. IBN ABI USIBI'A (600-668 A.H.): "Tabaket El-Atibba". Arabic text, pp. 475-477, Dar el-Hayat Publication, Beirut, 1965.
18. KAMAL HASSAN: "Encyclopaedia of Islamic Medicine", p. 711. General Egyptian Book Organization, 1975.

PAIRING IN LIVING THINGS
Prof. Dr. M.N. Saadi and Prof. Dr. Tawfik Tamimi
SAUDI ARABIA

Allah says in the Glorious Quran:

IN TIME WE SHALL MAKE THEM FULLY UNDERSTAND OUR MESSAGE, (THROUGH WHAT THEY PERCEIVE) IN THE UTMOST HORIZONS (OF THE UNIVERSE) AND WITHIN THEMSELVES, SO THAT IT WILL BECOME CLEAR UNTO THEM THAT THIS (REVELATION) IS INDEED THE TRUTH. (STILL) IS IT NOT ENOUGH (FOR THEM TO KNOW) THAT THY SUSTAINER WITNESS UNTO EVERYTHING?"

(S.41: V.53)

We begin with this verse to explain that Allah Almighty promised in His Book, the Quran, that He will be uncovering some of the hidden secrets of this world and that He will be showing man some of the miracles existing in his body.

This is introduction is necessary. It shows that the aim behind writing this paper lies in looking deep into Allah's creation of this world, in accordance with the many Quranic verses asking us to examine Allah's creatures, the heavens and the earth, camels, fruits etc. All of these prove without any doubt the existence and the greatness of Allah.

In doing this, we look carefully at what is on this earth, studying, observing, as well as proving that it is an act of Allah.

This  was the introduction. In the Quran there are verses stating that there is pairing in this world: in every creature, in fruits, in plants of the earth, in human souls, in cattle and sheep, in creating male and female sexes. The most accurate meaning is given by verse: 49 of Surah 51 "Azzariat", which says:

"AND OF EVERY THING WE HAVE CREATED PAIRS THAT HE MAY RECEIVE INSTRUCTION".

This verse is a challenge to us to think deeply about all creatures in order to find out this fact: pairing. In fact, it says: Prove that this is not the case.

The Arabic equivalent to the word THING is given to mean any thing that can be known, physically and spiritually. It implies that a thing is willed and wanted and hence it is revealed after being non-existing. While the world PAIR in Arabic, means one member of a couple; anything that has a partner. It never means an absolute one or unity. Hence the Arabic word for pair is really a member of a pair, like something that has an opposite; like wet as opposed to dry, male vs female, day vs night, sweet vs bitter etc. At-Tabari explained this verse to mean creating two different species like happiness and sadness, belief and disbelief, sky and earth, sun and moon, male and female. He also mentioned that a THING is created by Allah with an opposite. This way Allah will be a unique entity different in being singled out: He is the One God, the Primary Cause, the Eternal and Independent Being, while a THING is never given to mean Allah in Arabic. A THING thus implies that it is deficient and imperfect because it performs one function or indicates one quality only: Fire, for instance only heats and cannot be used to cool, likewise, ice cools but cannot heat, and therefore both complement and supplement each other, while neither can be described as perfect. Therefore a THING is created and is imperfect. On the other hand, pairing is the rule in the created world. Said Kuttub in his: "In the Shadows of the Quran" says: Recent scientific research is going to reach the fact that the structure and make up of this world can be traced to the atom. The atom is composed of an electric pair: positive and negative. It is now known that the atom-mass is concentrated in the center in a nucleus, which is positive around which a number of negatively charged particles rotate. These are known as electrons. The sum total of charges is equivalent to that of the nucleus and is in equilibrium with it. The electrons move with a very high speed around the nucleus to prevent them from falling on it because of gravity. The nuclear mass is several thousand times more than that of the electrons with tremendous space between the two. This is the picture of the atom described in the Physics Textbooks.

Structure of the atom resembles that of the solar system according to the Physicists. We know that there is an hierarchy in this universe: atoms, elements, compounds, cells, tissues, organs, systems, organisms. Hence every living organism is composed of atoms that are made up of positive and negative components. A THING is a description of an entity that is created. THINGS can be divided basically into plants and animals as well as human beings and genies, with pairing clearly exemplified. It is also present in the sky and the earth, the sun and the moon, the star and the planet; the earth also clearly shows pairing. Land and water, mountain and plain, sweet-water and salt-water etc. If we look at living things like plants for instance we find that each plant is made up of cells. A cell is a very small tiny thing surrounded by a wall inside which there is a membrane bordering a viscus substance known as the cytoplasm which in turn surrounds the nucleus.

On examining the wall we find that it is made up of a wall and a secondary wall. The plasma membrane is also made up of two lipid layers in which two types of proteins are embedded. Cytoplasmic Organelles are covered by double layered membrane as is found in the nucleus, mitochondria, endoplasmic reticulum (which can either be smooth or rough) ribosomes, vacuoles etc. Animal cells on the other hand are not very much different from plants except for the distinguishing characteristics between them (like the presence of a cell wall and plastids in plants). Cells could either be eucaryotic or procaryotic, showing pairing. Plants respire as well as photosynthesize taking in oxygen in the former and expelling out carbon CO₂. They do the opposite in photosynthesis, (taking in CO₂ and producing Oxygen), with the help of the light absorbing chlorophyll, which is Chi A, and Chi B. Photosynthesis is made up of 2 systems:- Photosynthesis I and Photosynthesis II. In the first one a 5 carbon compound is manufactured out of Carbon dioxide, the level of energy is increased and an electron is accepted and carried along the electron transfer series to the 2nd system. In the second system a six carbon compound is manufactured and Oxygen is produced. Pairing is clear in Photosynthesis.

Classification of plants reveals that they are either vascular or non-vascular. Vascular plants are either seed producing or seed-less. Seed plants are either gymnosperms or angiosperms. Angiosperms are either monocots or dicots and flowers are either single or culsters known as inflorescences.

Inforescences are on a stalk (peduncle) made up of nodes or internodes ending with a receptacle. Most flowers contain two sets of sterile appendages, the sepals and petals, which are attached to the receptacle below the fertile parts of the flower, the stamens and carpels. The sepals occur below the petals, and the stamens below the carpels. Collectively, the sepals form the calyx and the petals the corolla. Together, the calyx and corolla constitute the perianth ('around the flower'). The sepals and petals are essentially leaflike in structure. Commonly the sepals are green and the petals brightly colored, although in many flowers both parts are similar in color.

The stamen, which is the male reproductive organ is made up of a fine filament carrying a two-lobed anther having pollen grains. Flowers also have carpels, the female reproductive organs housing the ovaries, out of which comes the stigma.

Reproduction in plants can be either sexual or asexual. So what about a flower that has both male and female organs, doesn't self-fertilization take place in it? The answer is that in such cases it is almost impossible for self-fertilization to take place. The flowers have adapted against that in many ways, which prevented them from doing that.

For example, the stigma will be covered with wax; pollen produced by the anther of the same flower cannot dissolve it while pollen of a completely different flower from the same species can do that. Other ways include having the stigma higher than the anther or having the anther in a group away from the stigma, which is in the middle.

Some plants produce seeds out of which a root and stem grow. Plant tissues are either primary or secondary; with the secondary being either vascular cambium or cortical; the former is either xylem or phloem while cortical tissues are either primary or secondary with the later being either cork or phelloderm. All of this is exemplifying pairing.

Roots could either be primary or secondary; ground or aerial, fixing plants or for storing food. Stems also contain the cortex and the pith and they carry leaves. The leaf is made up of a blade (lamina) and a petiole. Dicot leaves are either simple or compound. Compound leaves are 2 types; pinnates with the blades carried on both sides of the petiole or they can be palmate with all of them hanging at the tip of the petiole. Each blade has two surfaces in which stomata are found. Each stoma is surrounded by 2 guard cells.

Green plants manufacture from simple compounds complex ones, examples of which are Carbohydrates, fats, proteins, and hormones. Auxins are plant hormones that elongate the stem. They also help fruits mature, cambium to grow and cells to be specialized. Here they are stimulatory. However, auxins do have inhibitory roles; they prevent lateral buds from growing. Plant hormones, therefore exemplify pairing.

Animals on the other hand are either symmetrical or asymmetrical. Symmetry is either bilateral or non-bilateral like radial or spherical. Animals could be unicellular which reproduce either sexually or asexually. Sexual reproduction involves a male and a female. Reproduction then is either sexual or asexual in animals as well as in plants. Asexual reproduction could be in the form of fission whereby the body divides into two organisms. This form of reproduction implies numerical replication of DNA. DNA constitutes the major portion of the chromosome. DNA itself is composed of the two complimentary strands. Pairing is clear here. DNA is the origin of life because it is capable of making identical copies of itself and also because it contains definite information on the characteristics of the living organism. Here lies the origin of life and pairing is very clear in it. DNA itself is of two strands, each coming from one parent. DNA is negatively charged but covered with a positively charged protein. The two stands are attached together by chemical bonds between four nitrogen bases that exist   in pairs: C and G, and A and T.

A sexual reproduction could also be in the form of budding, spore formations, fission etc., all of which are due to simple retention division known as mitosis. Sexual reproduction on the other hand starts with formation of gametes by meiosis. Gametes are either males (sperms) or females (ova), each containing a haploid number of chromosomes. So if the diploid chromosome number in a human somatic cell is 46, the sperm has 23 and so does the ovum. The sperm comes from the father and the ovum from the mother. Union of the two forms a diploid zygote. Pairing is evident. Chromosomes contain genes, which are always in pairs with each carrying a genetic trait: dominant or recessive. Genes carry the characteristics of the species as well as the individual in code. Enzymes are manufactured using this code. Genes are responsible for height, skin colour, eye colour, intelligence, obesity etc. They are transmitted in the ovum and the sperm.

Plants also reproduce sexually. Pairing is every where.

After that when you look around you will see pairing in every thing. You see in the final body form. Taking the human being as an example, he has two hands, two legs, two lips, two ears, two eyes, five fingers in every hand and 5 toes in every leg. He has a head opposite to the feet, a back and an abdomen. Man is body and soul. When closely examining the organs and the systems and their functions we see pairing in almost every single one of them: the heart is really two hearts, left and right; there are two ovaries, 2 testicles, 2 lungs, two kidneys. Out of nervous systems nerves go in pairs, left and right. In respiration the body takes Oxygen and expels CO₂. Blood is liquid which contains formed elements. Formed elements may be white blood corpuscles or red. Blood vessels are either arteries or veins, with almost a vein to every artery. The nervous system may be divided into sympathetic or para-sympathetic. The sympathetic, for instance, dilates the pupil, inhibits the flow of salvia, increases heart beats dilates capillaries in the lung, inhibits digestive secretion and peristalsis, stimulates the conversion of glycogen to glucose and inhibits contraction of the urinary bladder. The para-sympathetic does exactly the opposite with pairing clearly indicated.

The body contains enzymes. A living cell is capable of producing some where around 50,000 of them. Enzymes are catalysts in biochemical reactions. They are all functional proteins. In addition to them there are structural proteins used in making tissues and organs. Enzymes take part in anabolism as well as catabolism. In the former they help synthesize compounds like proteins, fats, etc., while in the latter they are used to break down these compounds as well as help in the oxidation of glucose to produce energy.

Enzymes are active under optimal conditions of temperature, pH, and substrate concentration. They could be inhibited by poisons or unfavourable conditions. In all of that pairing is clear. Proteins could be levorotary or dextrotary. This is true of many other compounds.

The Endrocrine system is one of two; the other being the exocrine which includes salivary, sweat, sebaceous, gastric, uterine, vaginal and mucus glands, which secrete the compounds through ducts to the outside of the body. Endocrine glands secreted their hormones directly into the blood. A very clear example of pairing.

The Endocrine glands are many. They secrete hormones, which could be stimulatory or inhibitory. Glucose for instance is controlled by two hormones, insulin and glucagon with the former decreasing its level in the blood while the latter increasing it. Calcium metabolism is controlled by parathormone and calcitonin. The former is secreted by parathyroids and increases the level of calcium in the blood while calcitonin is secreted by the thyroid. It does exactly the opposite. In actual effect there is a clear characteristic in the nature of the Physiology of the endocrine glands. They lead to equilibrium by way of stimulation and inhibition. This is a clear example of pairing. Even if we look at the functions of the one gland we find that pairing leads to equilibrium. Take the thyroid gland for instance the normal function is accomplished by equilibrium between hypersecretion and hyposecretion.

Endocrinology is a big field, which cannot be covered in total here. Therefore, I shall choose some examples to indicate pairing. During pregnancy progesterone is secreted by the corpus luteum of the ovary during the early phase and by the placenta later on in order to maintain pregnancy by keeping the uterine wall thick, rich in blood and spongy. If the level of progesterone decreases because of one reason or the other, or during labour, the uterus starts contracting to expel the foetus, at this time estrogen levels increase. Pairing is clear here also.

There are many hormones that act antagonistically like the Thyroid Stimulating Hormones and Thyroxin, ACTH & the adrenal cortex hormones, gonadotrophins to the gonads, hypothalamic releasing factors to pituitary hormones etc. Paining is indicated.

The kidney shows pairing. It is made up or a cortex and a medulla. The cortex glomeruli inside Bowman's capsules with an afferent and an efferent artery. The nephron has a proximal and a distal convoluted tubule. The loop of Henle has a descending and an ascending arm.

Muscles are either striated or none striated. Striated muscles contain actin and myosin. Neurons have axons and dendrites.

The body muscles are either smooth or skeletal. Smooth muscles could be either circular or longitudinal. Skeletal muscles are responsible to move bones with one moving the bone in one direction while another in the oppdirection.

There is inspiration opposite to expiration, drinking to urination and sweating, feeding opposed to defecation.

There is an object and its image, tallness and shortness, obesity and slimness, lightness and heaviness, laughter and crying, sleep and wakefulness, convexity and concavity, war and peace. Pairing every where: pairing is also seen in metabolism: anabolism and catabolism, irritability and response, receptor and effector.

Water out of which life arose is a liquid that evaporates at high temperatures and solidifies at low temperatures below zero.

Cells move by cilia or flagella. Transport into and out of cells could be passive by diffusion from a high concentration to a lower one, or active from low to higher concentrations.

Feeding of living organisms is either autotrophic or heterotrophic. Digestion is intracellular as in Amoeba, bacteria and WBC, or extracellular like in multicellular animals.

Energy needed for the bodily activities can be obtained in one of two ways: aerobically or anaerobically. Pairing every where.

The water cycle exemplifies pairing: Seawater evaporates to form the clouds, which condense to form rain.

The circulatory system is either open as in insects or closed as in man. Blood is either liquid or coagulated.

Pairing is also evident in Teeth and in Dentistry, The masticatory apparatus is composed of two dental arches: the maxilla and the mandible. The maxilla is homologous to two bones: the maxilla pro e and the premaxilla. The mandible makes its appearance as a bilateral structure: right and left mandibles joined in the midline.

Teeth develop in two generations: deciduous as well as permanent dentitions. The primary deciduous teeth are composed of ten pairs while the permanent are made of sixteen pairs.

The tooth develops as bud, which then becomes covered with a cap. The dental cap is made from an inner dental epithelium (tall cells) and another cuboidal epithelial layer; the enamel grows in between these two.

Later, a dental papilla and a dental sac form. The papilla produces the dentin. Dentin forms in two stages: uncalcified predentin and then calcified dentin.

Pairing is also evident in human development. The male sperm (with its 23 chromosomes) unites with the female ovum (with its 23 chromosomes) to form a zygote that has 46 chromosomes. The beginning then shows paring. The zygote then divides mitotically into 2 cells. The cleavage continues: 2 give 4, 8, 16, 32 cells, etc. The zygote travels until it reaches the uterus where it becomes a 'blastula'. This leech-like stage is composed of an outer trophoblast and an inner cell mass. The embryo develops further and the inner cell mass produces the ectoderm and endoderm. Mesoderm later forms in between and gives rise to somites. At this stage the embryo becomes known in Arabic as a "Chewed" thing.
 
When the human organs are examined, they reveal paring. They are all given rise to by the 3 germ layers.

Ectoderm for instance gives rise to the nervous system, which is divided into two; central and peripheral. Central nervous system contains the brain and spinal cord. The brain structure reveals the cerebrum, cerebellum and brain stem. The cerebrum is in the form of a right and a left hemisphere, or it is in four lobes: frontal, parietal, temporal and occipital. The cerebellum is made of a right and a left portion connected by the vermis. The brain stem is composed of the medulla, the pons, the midbrain and the diencephalon. There are also twelve pairs of cranial nerves. The spinal cord is organized into a right and a left side.

Mesoderm gives rise to connective tissue, muscles, urogenital system, blood, bone marrow and membranes. They all show parity. Bones are of two kinds: those that make up the peripheral bones and the others are in the cranium. Peripheral bones are in two: left and right. The vertebral column is composed of vertebra, each of which made of two skeletal pieces.

Mesoderm also makes the spleen and the appendix. These are considered by anatomists as single structures that do not exist in pairs. Some anatomists, however, have found what they called an "accessory spleen" in addition to the spleen proper. Pairing may not be clear in the appendix but that does not mean it is not there. More investigations are needed in this respect. The spleen on the other hand shows pairing in its function. It makes two kinds of WBC's: Monocytes and Lymphocytes, each of which has a different role in immunology.

Endoderm gives rise to the mucous membranes in the digestive system, to the liver, pancreas, thyroid and parathyroids, the thymus, etc.

The stomach has two openings (cardiac and pyloric), two curvatures (lesser and greater), two gastric arteries (right and left) and two vagal branches (right and left).

The liver starts from endoderm as two buds; The liver we know is made up of four lobes: right and left, caudate and quadrate. The pancreas starts off as a ventral and a dorsal bud, which unite to produce the pancreas. It performs two functions: digestive and hormonal. The intestines are small and large.

Pairing as mentioned earlier may not be clear in some other parts of the body. But that does not mean it is not there. It indicates that more investigations are required.

Otherwise pairing as has so far been stated is striking:

WITHIN YOUR OWN SELVES, CAN YOU NOT THEN SEE?

(S.51: V.21)

Pairing is so evident that it says: Observe that every thing is in pairs. This is everywhere, even in human behaviour.

Here man loves and hates, is fair and unjust, is generous and stingy, honest or dishonest, truthful or lier, believer or non-believer, hungry or full, happy or sad, patient or impatient. Pairing every where: life and death, birth and mortality, rationality and stupidity, young and old, fast and slow, light and darkness, paradise and hell, etc.

Even the Angles have wings that are in pairs.

In conclusion, pairing is in very thing except Allah Almighty.

Yet some one might ask: But is pairing really in every thing?

Our response will be that pairing is in every thing. If we cannot see pairing in an empirical observable thing that does not negate it. We need to look harder and dig deeper in order to find it.

Didn't Allah Almighty say:

"AND OF EVERY THING WE HAVE CREATED PAIRS…"

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We wish to thank Drs. H.A. Zaki and Y. Khawaji for providing the information on pairing in teeth and human development. We also wish to thank Mr. Mohammad Shafi Minhas for typing the manuscript.

REFERENCES

1. ANTHONY, C., G. THIBODEAU, "Text book of Anatomy and Physiology," Mosby, London, 1979.
2. BAKER, T & G. ALLEN. "The Study of Biology". Addison Wesly, London, 1982.
3. DUWEINI, KHALAF & H.A. BISHAI "A Glossary of Zoological Terms". Dar Al Maaref, Cairo, 1976.
4. HICKMAN, C., C., HICKMAN Jr., F. HICKMAN & L. ROBERTS, "Integrated Principles of Zoology". Mosby, London, 1979.
5. RAVEN, P., H., R.F. EVERT & H. CURTIS. "Biology of Plants" -Worth" Publ. Inc. N. Y., 1976.
6. 'Scientific American -Human Physiology and the Environment in Health & Disease", W.H. Freeman & Co. San Francisco, 1976.
7. WEISZ, P. "The Science of Biology", Tata McGraw Publ. Co. Bombay, 1971.

MEDICINE IN ISLAM THROUGH JURISDICTION,
PRACTICE AND PLANNING
Prof. Dr. Abdulaziz Kamel
KUWAIT

INTRODUCTION
Mr. Chairman
Dear Colleagues
It gives me pleasure to concur with the preceding speakers who have consecutively expressed their gratitdue to Turkey represented by its president, government and people for sponsoring this grand Islamic Medicine Conference.

Gathering on its land, we owe the city of Istanbul the right to associate its longstanding glory with our prospective collaboration to build up a present and a future.

Visiting this city pre-occupies my mind with three aspects of its heritage: faith, science and planning. Muslim attempts continued for eight centuries until Sultan Mohammad Al Fateh managed to enter Constantinople in 857H/1453. The genius of this young man culminated in coining the depth of creed and the advanced scientific level which facilitated overcoming the fortifications and walls of the city. Under his commandship the two powers: faith and science coalesced. In previous attempts however, faith was not lacking, but they were short of a scientific level capable of challenge and victory. The third factor, planning, seems to be glittering in the sky of Istanbul marking the architecture genius, Khogah Sinan, who has been outstandingly distinguished at all levels: among his country men (Turks), fellow Muslims, and sophisticated specialists in architecture.

In the Tenth Hijri Century/Sixteenth Christian Century, Sinan managed to lay the foundations of the Turkish style of architecture as well as the religious and civil constructions in more than one country in the Ottoman Empire. The three mosques selected by Sinan to represent the stages of his own promotion: Shah Zadah, Sulaimaniah. (in Istanbul) and Seleemiah (in Adernah) are, in actual fact, nothing but a mixture of faith, science and planning.

In the horizon of Istanbul, Adernah and even in more than one Turkish city, one senses the genius of Sinan, who died in (996h/1588 A.D.), inviting us to a kind of hospitality impregnated in the three terms: faith, science and planning.

SECOND REVIVAL
Mr. Chairman
Colleagues

Surviving the outset of the Fifteenth Hijri Century designated as the Second Islamic Revival, which currently prevails allover the Islamic World and scientific circles regardless of some earlier Islamic efforts. We certainly witness a revival; however, it is not the second one. The Islamic World may have faltered in the wake of the first revival during the eras of Post-Prophet Caliphate, Umayyads and Abbasids. The fall of Baghdad in (636 H/1258 A.D.) will remain as an indicator of a might earthquake in the history of Islamic civilization. This incident, with its symptoms and after effects deserves a comment in connection with the register and history of Islamic civilization part of which medicine is.

Let me, temporarily, put aside the issue of Baghdad to talk about Constantinople.

The West regards the year 1453 (A.D.) as that of the "Fall of Constantinople. Islamic historians referred to "Mohammad the Conqueror" and "Victory over Constantinople" and how the old name gave way to that of Istanbul. We also, read in the literature of civilization how the fall of Constantinople affected the age of Renaissance in Europe, how the "brain drain" helped trigger European thought as well as progress and also how the fall of the Byzantine Empire carried seeds for the new regime.

This is link-up quickly renovates aspirations in the European individual while reading about his history victory after defeat, light after darkness and prospective hopes for a promising future instead of sorrows. Moreover, our readings include the recordings of Islamic civilization historians as to the obituaries in memory of the fall of Baghdad as well as others referring to withdrawal from Al- Anlalus after the fall of Granada in (897 H /1492 A.D.). We do not, however, claim to associate this with the subsequent revival reflected by the scientific endeavours, which would not give in to defeat

In the field of medicine, since Baghdad flourished in the first Abbasid Age, it uniquely sponsored outstanding brains both in practice and in scientific contributions:

1. Ali Ben Ruban Al Tabari, author of "Firdaws Al Hikmah", (Wisdom Paradise), which was the first systematic Islamic book on medicine.
2. Mohammad Ben Zakaria Al-Razi, died in (313 H /925 A.D.), writer of "Al Hawi" Encyclopedia, which was based on his own remarks about patients medical check-up and treatment in addition to his publication "Al Mansouri", which secures a special reputation in the West.
3. Ali Ben Al-Abbas Al Magoosi, died in (384 H /994 A.D.), author of "Kamel Al-Sinaah", which was also designated the "Royal Book".

Ibn Sina, died in (428 H /1037 A.D.), spent all his life in Persia, deserves to be called the "Philosopher of all scientists" and the "scientist of all philosophers", his publication "Al Qanoon Fil Al Tib" (Law of Medicine) may be considered a landmark in the history of medicine.
  
Islamic science was, simultaneously, reviving in the Far East. In Al-Andalus lived the greatest surgeon in the history of Islamic Medicine, Abul Qassem Al-Zahrawi, author of "Kitab At-tasreer".

This is no place for inference, but I mention it to set a pattern by which the Caliphate House (Government) was one of the largest scientific centres, most capable of attracting scientists particularly medical people and imitated by other cities which had their own scientists. Muslim countries including independent ones (from Caliphate) never lacked other celebrities who have left some heritage in the history of medical science.

After the decline of the Abbasid Caliphate, other Islamic cosmopolitan cities began to feel more responsible and endeavoured to make up for what the Islamic civilization had lost as a result of the destruction of its libraries, dispersing its scientists and ruining its institutions. Scientists, were therefore, strongly motivated to defy defeat moving steadily towards the age of encyclopedias. They collected as much as they could from heritage and emigrated together with traders and craftsmen to Al Sham (Syria), Misr (Egypt), the world of the Indian Ocean and its isles in Malay, Indonesia and even beyond that to the Philippines and left after them, in the desolate land, only a few. In these new Islamic countries which were established after the Mogul tide calmed down and the tempest was replaced by running waters for irrigation and plantation.

Here are the titles some grand encyclopedias, which followed the fall of Baghdad and distinguished the nature of this stage in the literature.

1. "Masalek Al Absar Fi Mamalek Al Amsar", by Ibn Fadl Allah Al Amri (749 H /1348 A.D.).
2. "Nihayat Al Arb Min Funoon Al Adab" by At Nuweiri (733 H /1332 A.D.).
3. "Sobh Al Aasha Fi Sinaat Al lnsha" by Al Qalqashandi (821 H /1418 A.D.).

LANGUAGE DICTIONARIES

"Lisan Al Arab" by Ibn Manzoor Al Afriqi (711 H /1311 A.D.).
 
In the medical field, Brain Drain resulted in the flourishment of medical activities in Al Sham and Misr. This immigration increased after the fall of Baghdad but had started since the Second Abbasid era and the disappearance of the Great Caliphs then.

1. Ibn Abi Usaibah, wrote "Oyoon Al-Anba'a Fi Tabaqat Al Atibba" (668/1259).
2. Qutb El-Deen Al-Shirazi, (710 H /1311 A.D.) interpreted "Al-Qanoon" of Ibn Sina in his own book "Al-Tohfa Al-Saadiyah", which is considered the most accurate and profound interpretation ever written about "Al Qanoon".
3. Aladin Ibnul Nafees, (687H/1288 A.D.), reputable as "Second Ibn Sina" practiced his job between Al-Sham (Syria) and Misr (Egypt), was the pioneer of discovering the minor blood circulation and was scientifically recognized as the genuine predecessor of William Horvey. Ibnul Nafees is, also, the writer of a medical encyclopedia known as "Al Shamel in medical industry".

Medical centres flourished in Morocco, Persia and India, too.

In the Turkish territories of the Ottoman Empire, distinguished names in the field of medicine achieved remarkable success:

1. Haji Pasha Al Ayeedeeni, (9th century (H) 15th century A.D.).
2. Mohammad Al Kozooni, physician oSuleiman the First and Saleem the Second 10th century (H)/16th century (A.D.).
3. Dawud Al Antaki, one of the most remarkably talented people in the history of Islamic sciences, hi book "Al Tathkirah" is one of the most widespread medical references in the late period.

However influential Western medicine may be in most Islamic countries, some of these still preserve their Islamic heritage particularly in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh and, simultaneously, make use of Western medicine.

Preserving Islamic medical heritage has started to gain ground even in the West itself reviewing this heritage in particular and the traditional heritage in general has formulated an integral part of the current Islamic national and international interests.

It, therefore, seems that, between the First and Second Revivals, there have been several revivals which effected new states some of which were set up on lands owned, gained or retained by Muslims. Some old and new cities and capitals, consequently, acquired a certain position owing to the unending contributions of Muslim scientists.

In other words, we can say that despite the loss which occurred to Islamic civilization in the wake of the Mogul expansion from the East together with the losses and exhausted efforts which resulted from the Western Expansion represented by the Crusaders' Wars, a new movement of revival was triggered in the form of contribution stages which had varied axes and bases, but were distinguished with survival and struggle for existence. Here, we need a new history of Islamic civilization aimed at recording the resistance of scientific defeat and enthusiasm for writing to preserve heritage and create new generations of researchers.

We, meanwhile, do not wish to overlook the internal Islamic attrition existing in the wars between Islamic countries diminishing the choicest of the youth and all that we keep for future. We, also, have to explicate its negative influence on the Islamic course.

We should maximize our co-operation and, meanwhile, minimize our disputes as much as possible. We should, also, encourage scientific efforts away from internal disputes and call for immunity of scientists, scientific organizations and generations to help them shoulder their responsibilities one of which is to record the history of their civilization including medicine. I hope this will be among our recommendations together with an invitation for co-ordination of overlapping or redundant efforts undertaken by more than one scientific structure in the Islamic World.

MEDICINE BETWEEN JURISPRUDENCE & PRACTICE

The relationship between jurisprudence and practice is associated with Islam's view of man as expressed in the Quranic verse (WE HAVE HONOURED ADAM'S DESCENDENTS) and that man is Allah's agent on the earth as in (GOD INFORMED THE ANGLES THAT HE WOULD CREATE AN AGENT ON THE EARTH).

For man Allah created the universe and endowed him with senses and thought.

HE WHO CREATED (FOR YOU) ALL THAT IS ON THE EARTH.

SAY HE WHO CREATED YOU AND GRANTED YOU HEARING, SIGHT AND HEART AND YOU ARE LESS GRATEFUL.

Our jurists viewed the essential objectives of jurisdiction as five: preserving religion, self, thought, property and posterity. Al Emam Al Shatbi argues that these five aspects are crucial for the benefit of religion and life and once they are misachieved life affairs will be based on misgivings and, subsequently, lead to insecurity and misery in the hereafter (Day of Reckoning). These objectives can be achieved by either the support for their pillars, i.e. to maintain their existence or what saves them from current or expected defection, which signifies complete rudimental attentions.

Achieving these objectives is supported by a certain level termed Hajiyat (needs) by Al Shatbi bellow which is a third level termed Tahseenat (improvements), i.e. using the advantages of habits.

If essentials are fundamental, needs would be supportive or subsidiary; whereas improvements develop performance. With their five horizontal (or three vertical) divisions, they all revolve around one axis, i.e. man's dignity from which stems human care in health or sickness -health with its comprehensive concept (physically, psychologically and spiritually) as well as sickness in its over-all sense too, comprising all these aspects whether caused by man's own deeds or by an external power.

ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE PATIENT

Closely linked to this is the attitude of Islam as a religion towards the patient. Attention and care extended to him by his relatives as mentioned in Quran.

BE KIND AND MERCIFUL TO YOUR PARENTS.

NEVER FORGET ALLAH WHOM YOU PETITION OR YOUR RELATIVES AS HE KEEPS AN EYE ON YOU.

Kindness and care are due on the patient's relatives in addition to his initial right as a human being.

As to the relationship between care and the society the former is an obligation once fulfilled by one sector of the society, it does not formulate the same obligation to others. In Islam, the individual's need for food or water is identical with his need for care. Now, as the state together with the local executive bodies and donated institutions undertake the responsibility, medical care planning has become the job of an organization in which individual and group initiatives coalesce forming service channels complementing what is done by the governmental bodies concerned.

ATTITUDE TOWARDS SICKNESS

In Islam, sickness means a deviation from health. The Prophet advises us "Slaves of Allah! Take medicine as Allah has created a cure for every disease except senility".

One never comes across a negative attitude towards sickness; so, one has to preserve one's health and seek all possible ways for recovery in case of sickness and the society should give as many facilities as possible in this regard. Besides, one never gets a hostile attitude towards a patient as used to happen to feeble- minded individual in Europe in the Middle Ages when this or madness was associated with evil spirits.

The (Arabic) linguistic root of this word is (g n n) does not indicate a loss but refers to a kind of concealment. From it we derive (magan) which protects the warrior and also (gannah) i.e. garden because its tress conceal whoever is in it. This protection or concealment necessitates existence as it were a concealed mind of a mad man, if uncovered it will become normal again.

Sickness is nothing but a test by Allah. The Prophet says, "Whatever misfortunes a true believer may have -fatigue, grief, melancholy or worry -are used to redeem his sins".

This indicates that endurance of pain is a kind of worship as it comforts the soul, which helps the patient get over pain and, meanwhile, aids his physicians in treatment. Our old and new heritage teems with the attitudes of holy people towards sickness - showing patience and endurance or seeking cure if possible or even expressing satisfaction in case it was beyond the capacity of medicine and cure.

This co-operation between the patient and the physician used to occur in a friendly and caring atmosphere (physical, psychological and preparatory for public life) witnessed at the hospitals establishment during the different stages of Islamic flourishment at many capitals.

DISCUSSION OF SOME PROBLEMS OF PROPHETIC TRADITIONS IN MEDICINE

This lengthy course of requesting medicine and cure discussions were held about some Prophetic traditions an outstanding one of which is: "Beware of infection" together with others which recommend avoiding disease and others that encourage care to the sick.

This reflects the practical pictures which comprise an approach towards sickness to cure the patient, warning against infect on and separation of the healthy from the sick for protection.

Each of these attitudes goes in line with one or more or the Prophetic traditions.

1. A Number of our scientists said that the Prophetic traditions about medicines are not legislative but the juice of the age.

Had it been so, the Prophet himself would have prescribed medicine for whatever arose. He sometimes could prescribe medicine but He nevertheless, used to recommend the consultation of somespecialists. When Saad Ibn Al Waqas (Rad. A.) fell ill, the Apostle paid him a visit and said: "Call Al Hareth Ben Kaldah to medicate him".

2. Some mentioned that the tradition (Beware of Infection) was addressed to Abu Hurairah (The Prophet's companion) but He discontinued it.
3. Some considered each of these traditions for a specific target, situation and level of faith. We shall not give more details about this matter which can be sought in relevant references such as "Tahtheeb Al Athar" by Al Tabari and "Zad Al Mo'ad" by Ibn El Qayem".

That was due to the fact that the Islamic practice was experienced in seeking cure for every disease, protection from infection, and care for patients considering all this as a religious and social responsibility together. This is explained in the Islamic term Ibadha (worship) which is the goal of Allah whenever a good deed is contributed in the society whether it is done for ourself, one's relatives or for the society.

We have a recent example from Turkey:

When smallpox was almost devastating European peoples in the Eighteenth Century, the Ottoman state applied vaccination. Lady Mary Montague, wife of the British Ambassador to the Ottoman State recorded her remarks on visit to Adernah in 1717, in which she mentioned how less the degree of seriousness of smallpox was in the orient. She knew that vaccination was after this. She got convinced of its usefulness and tried it out with her children. She, also, prescribed it for her own people, but she was accused sorcery and resistance to the will of Allah. She, nevertheless, preserved with her ideas until the Royal family was convinced to use vaccination among its members after preliminary experiments outside the family.

Her countrymen, eventually, accepted and formally used vaccination until this honourable Lady died in 1762. Sixty years later, they made a memoire in her name on her grave, glorifying her generous help to her countrymen by transferring imperial science from Turkey.

Practical application of the Prophetic tradition:

"Slaves of Allah …seek medication" was extensively practiced. Islamic thought has permanently been based on assimilation, participation and creativity.

PRESENT AND FUTURE RESPONSIBILITIES

These responsibilities are two fold:

First : Utilization of past responsibilities considering that the present is a mobile point of time today is the future of yesterday as well as the past of tomorrow -Such a consideration should not be confined to a certain period or stage of flourishment in our attempt to rewrite Islamic civilization a part of which medicine is. Here, we do not envisage a golden age after which Islamic existence failed, even partly, to yield anything new.

This stock comprises the Islamic World in its comprehensive sense where territorial and national circles move and, thus, it is the pivot or nucleus as seen in the world context.

Investigating these relationships, we can consider a number of schools such as the "regional" and "thematic" ones in connection with the organizations in charge of the history of civilization in the Islamic World at an international level utilizing previous contributions in addition to the outcome of published scientific documents and graphics, which coincides with the current revival in the Islamic World.

Second : Planning future tasks starting from here through all circles mentioned above and undertaking the most immediate measures as to:

1. Preventive Medicine.
2. Curative Medicine.
3. Scientific Research.

PREVENTION AND CURE

In many countries of the Third or Developing World, one can consider preventive medicine as "neglected medicine" Dr. Nabeel Al-Taweel, in his book "Al-Hirman Wat- Takhalluf Fi Diyar Al Muslimeen" (deprivation and retardation in the Islamic World) 1404 H/1984 A.D. says:

Our preliminaries in Islamic and Developing (or underdeveloped) World are reversed -Here, public health services are usually exhausted and concentrated in urban centres and lack serious attention. Curative medicine consumes most of both ordinary and developing budgets simply because such an achievement has a glittering and concrete structure represented by buildings and equipment which can be propagated by mass media circles and, therefore, support the structure of the executive authority system.

Preventive medicine, on the other hand, has a different psychological effect.

The services are distributed among more people and a greater demand for it is felt in lower classes where people have no access to decision-makers and distributors of budgets and services. Anything else is found in curative medicine, which is supplementary to preventive medicine whatever is said about it. Curative medicine cures an existing danger, whereas preventive medicine protects from an expected danger. The former is confined to patients and mostly practiced at state or private institutions. If a major part of preventive medicine provides service to the individual, in the curative medicine, the individual seeks the services centre and if both kinds of medicine complement each other, prevention would be basic as an extension of normal condition, whereas care would be subsidiary as it takes the patient back to normal (or nearly normal) condition.

SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH

Contemporary scientific research is a group activity, which no longer suits a desolate researcher, scientist or even scientific group. Scientific cooperation has, thus, become essential at the national, Islamic and international levels -a cooperation that can not be achieved through reading and correspondence, but through meetings and direct discourse.

In the medical field we, in the Islamic world, need research projects that tackle five main scopes at least:-

First : More attention to medical heritage in the Islamic world from the practical point of view so as to raise the percentage of our reliance on it as much as we can on a formidable scientific basis.

Second : Considering traditional medicine in ancient civilizations such as those of China and India.

Third : Constant contact with scientific research centres in the advanced world.

Fourth : Encouraging discourse between medical people and Islamic Shari'a (Jurisprudence) and ethics people - a discourse which has already started at both international and Islamic levels.

1. At the international level, I would like to refer to Varna's Seminar about "Science of life and Ethics", held in June 1975. In it, life was considered in a comprehensive sense including all relevant human sciences. It was followed by other seminars and specialized conferences about the relationship between medical and ethical aspects and a certain phenomenon such as alcoholics.
2. At the Islamic level, the Islamic Organization for Medical Sciences published "Islamic Constitution for Medical Profession" (1401 H/1981 A.D.). Besides, Kuwait witnessed a specialized seminar on "Birth" in (Shaaban 1403/May 1983) of which the Islamic Organization for Medical Sciences published proceedings. This seminar hosted men of both medicine and religion in a unique fertile discussion distinguished with an objective scientific atmosphere. The seminar aimed to discover a new route for the direct discourse in which all efforts collaborate to solve present and future problems of Islamic conduct within an age where scientific discoveries have explored new horizons both at the human or scopic levels.

Fifth : Undertaking direct field studies which investigate the dimensions of problems juxtaposed with their materialistic and human aspects with a view to finding solutions that harmonize with context.

SPOTLIGHT ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SCOPE

First : There is an international tendency, towards "Urgency of developing a new ethics", which considers scientific achievement and steers it for the good of man and human communities in each of the advanced, and developing countries and for realizing the wish of scientists to continue discourse with ethics men supporting each other with a view to establishing human rights on two bases; science and ethics. This discourse will help determine the concepts and common language between them. Thus, recomplementation replaces their parallelism or consecutiveness.

The recommendation of the seminar of Varna was to convey these concepts from the research level to the pedagogic one at specialized universities and schools, then to general education and the cultural level in the society at large. It was, also, recommended that this be accomplished by collaboration of all specialized organizations in the United Nations, particularly UNESCO and W.H.O (World Health Organization).

The world need for this scientific charter became dire after the Second World War, before which and even two centuries earlier science was the best achievement of humanity. Scientists are the leaders of thought and pioneers of progress through whose discoveries and inventions - nations plan their steps to future. The year 1945 was, nonetheless, decisive in altering the outlook on science. After the release of the first American atomic bomb over Heroshema, and the second over Nagazaki, science seemed a mixed blessing -angel and devil, fire and light. The giant was released from the cell, which caused fatal injuries to the religion and its ideals as the great historian Arnold Toynbee says. So, science was incorporated in politics and war, the costs of its research consequently became higher, its scope widened, and the state acquired supreme authority over many of its large executive bodies. New weapons began to threaten all human existence and life has become at the mercy of reprisal, horror or nuclear terror. In addition, exploring new areas of medicine has yielded the wars of germs, radiation and destruction of human nerve cells.

Nowadays, humanity witnesses an age where power overlaps with fright, scientific cooperation with contest and racing, secrets of nature with those of states and guarding military constructions with those of scientific ones. In many meetings of world organizations, which speak for people, we hear a call for minimizing armament and re-routing some of its funds towards promotion, prevention, cure and education and, meanwhile, taking into account what is spent on destruction, preparation for it or even terror resulting from it. We, on the other hand, hear some voices of politicians persuading us to delimit our expectations and reliance on them in financing peace and promotion projects among, which are those geared to a better human hygiene. Richard Nixon, the former president of U.S.A. presented this view in his book, 'The Real Peace" (1983), in which he refers to "war" as a past alternative, and "peace" as the only alternative for future. However futile war may be, there were 15 wars as well as tens of minor fights in the Third World in summer 1983. Since the Second World War, one hundred and forty wars have broken out causing losses of at least 10 millions. Peace is not the terminal of contest, but it is a technique for surviving it provided that it be given constant attention as soon as it is accomplished; otherwise it will die out.

Let us consider his following statement:

It is risky to misinterpret genuine peace as perfect peace. Perfectionists usually dream of a non-conflict world -a world, which has never existed.

In actual fact, perfect peace is not achieved except in the grave and before the invention of printing machines. It is, indeed, the substance of poetry and press articles, which disguise bright notions with beautiful word.

Genuine peace, on the other hand, is actually authentic peace adopted by practical leaders who view the welfare of their people in a daring manner. He eventually concluded that both big powers should be capable of self-defense and repression of other parties. He, also recommended that labour allover the world should be a combination of soqoor (eagles) and Hama'em (pigeons) and that a balance should be stricken between power utilization and economic support.

I have given this summary for a basic reason: one portion of economic support may be offered by these big countries which are engaged in the marathon of international dispute, another portion may be obtained from international organizations which have faced pressures advocating peace, as happened to UNESCO in December, 1983. This paves the way for a basic matter, i.e. the importance of building up the self-sufficiency in the Islamic World supported by faith in Allah, fraternity an scientific planning.

FLASHES ON ISLAMIC COOPERATION SCOPE

Whether we wished or not to be a constituent of this international structure, which positively and negatively controls our future, we have to take the best move possible towards our target within the Context of this conference.

A primary task would be the co-ordination of our efforts and sources together with the achievements of Islamic-natured organizations and minor ones which follow the same courses in Islamic World sectors.

To cite an example, the way was paved for this co-operation in one of the most important organizations -Islamic Conference Organization -when Casablanca in Morocco (1401/1984) witnessed the Fourth Islamic Summit Conference.

Among the committees formed by the Third Islamic Summit Conference in Makkah Al-Mukarramah (January, 1981) was the joint-work with Coast Countries Committee -those countries beyond South Grand Sahara constituting the inhabited coast overlooking this huge sand dune. We are familiar with what these countries suffer from the encroachment of the desert (Southwards) on urbanism and plantation through constant and quite sand movement.

The Islamic Summit Conference authorized this committee to trace and apply all measures needed for aiding coast countries in resisting draught and taking appropriate initiatives in this regard. It also established a general framework for emergency food supplies, essential rural development projects. For this purpose the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, State of Kuwait, Iraqi Republic and U.A.E. have offered financial contributions.

What I would like to say here is that this preventive job - a geographical aspect about a long area extending in the Islamic World between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, and a practical one about development problem culminating in its comprehensiveness including the resistance of hurdles and the support of positive contributions.

We, therefore, badly need an atlas of services for the Islamic World. This conference has to undertake the component of medical services considering its three aspects. The Islamic Conference Organization studied the overlapping specializations problem of its ensuing sub-organizations at Casablanca in January, 1984 in an attempt to develop its administrative structure. It is, nevertheless, felt that there should be more co-ordination if we consider scientific joint-work at all levels among all existing bodies in the Islamic international context. This co-ordination for an atlas of Islamic medical services is but a constituent of a comprehensive Islamic services atlas, which is, in turn, a part of the Islamic future as a whole.

CONCLUSION

Mr. Chairman,
Colleagues,
At the outset of this Fifteenth Hijri Century, Muslims recommended investing this historical occasion which co-existed with an Islamic revival with a view to steering this revival which has been distinguished with a desire for co-operation, accessible and convenient communication, a surplus of money, an increased number of educated people and a better awareness of the Islamic
World needs. They, also, recommended development of joint projects and an Islamic court of justice to take care of cases between Muslim countries establishing peace, reconciliation and justice.

This glared in the recommendations of the third and fourth Islamic Conferences. Despite the growing need for every human and financial effort, wars violently break out in the Islamic World at the level of the one country, the next door neighbours or brethren. Is it possible to hope that war between Iran and Iraq come to an end, peace be resurrected on Lebanon lands, land owners return to Palestine, their country and that every refugee or dispersed person go back to his own country?

At the Islamic level, our God calls for this and , in turn, preach it for individuals, peoples and the public Islamic welfare.

As scientists and thinkers, we are equipped well enough to recommend the appropriate style and advice for our countrymen, fellow-believers and every supporter of righteousness, peace and justice. In addition, we have persistently and patiently, been calling for righteousness and truth and we feel that the great scientific as well as practical responsibilities to be shouldered by the Islamic World need a lot of efforts. We, likewise, feel we should construct bridges between science and religion and invite those who work in scientific fields to meet with those working in legislative fields to investigate many issues such as inheritance and birth.

Thank you all for listening.

FOOTNOTES & BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. SAYED HUSSEIN NASR, "Al Oloom Fil-Islam". pp. 158-159. A translation of the original Islamic Science, published by the Establishment of Islamic World Festival in London, 1976.
2. In the Proceedings of the First International Seminar "History of Sciences among Arabs", Rabiei Thani 1396 H/April 1976, Published by the Institute of Scientific Hertitage at Aleppo, DR. FUAD SEZKEEN, Professor of history of sciences at Frankfurt University, gave a lecture on "the status of Arabs in the history of sciences", pp. 45-58. DR. ABDUL HAMEED SABRA, Professor of history of sciences among Arabs at Harvard University, U.S.A., also gave a lecture on "the history of sciences among Arabs" -"objectives and problems". pp. 59-79. Both researchers focused on the period subsequent to the fall of Baghdad. Sezkeen says, "We need not much evidence to prove that Arab sciences reached their climax in the Seventh and Eighth Hijri Centuries, e.g. the discovery of blood circulation by Ibn-ul-Nafees, Lisan El-Din Ben Al-Khateeb tackled infection and planned the philosophy of history and sociology (through ibn Khaldoon)". Abdul Hameed Sabrah, also emphasized the originality of Islamic thought together with its advocates after the fall of Baghdad. Besides, the conference recommended that an international reference in the history of Islamic Arab medicine be written (P. 42) - a suggestion which has room for Islamic medicine time-wise, space-wise, object-wise and all that is relevant to it from living sciences.
3. SAYED HUSSEIN NASR, (Ibid), p. 152. In this investigation the author tackles the track of scientific activities in the non-Western Islamic World and Islamic science development as related to international development.
4. "Al-Isra'a" / 70.
5. "Al-Baqarah" / 30.
6. "Al-Baqarah" / 29.
7. "Al-Malek", K 23.
8. AL-SHATBI, "Al Muwafaqat Fi Usool Al Sharia", 2, 8, published by Al- Tugariyah, Cairo.
9. "Al-Isra'a" / 23.
10. "Al-Nisa'a" / 1.
11. IBN-UL-QAYEM, "Prophetic Medicine", p.8. Dar-ul-Kutub, Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon. Reported by Imam Ahmed for Osamah Ben Shereek.
12. IBN MANZOOR, "Lisan-el-Arab, Ch. GN"/515-519, Dar Lisan-el-Arab, Beirut.
13. IBN-IL-ATHEER, "Game'e Al-Osoo/" 10-354. "Hadith" No. 7321, reported by Sheikhan for Abu Huraira and verified by Mohammed Hamed Al-Fiqi: T. Dar Ihia'a Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, 1983.
14. IBN-UL-QAYEM, Iddat-ul-Sabereen". A model of Orwah Ibn-ul-Zobair's sickness and his patience. In Ch. 17 about the conduct of Sahabah (Prophet's Companions) and their followers as related to the virtue of patience, pp. 90-95, t. by Al- Mutanabby Book Shop, Cairo. 1977.
15. 'This tradition is studied in detail in:

AL- TABARI (Abu Gaafar), "Tahtheeb Al-Athar Wa Tafseel Al Thabet of Rasool-illah", information reported by Ali Ben Abi Taleb, investigated by Mahmoud Shaker, pp. 3-44, I. Al-Madina, Cairo, 1982.

16. MAHMOUD SHELTOOT, "Islam as Faith and Jurisprudence", pp. 508-509, T. Darel Qalam, Cairo 1966.
17. IBN ABI OSAIBUAH, "Oyoob Al-Anba'a Fii Tabaqat Al Atibba", (Defects of information in doctors classes). Translated by Al-Hareth Ibn Kildah, pp. 161-167. Publications of Dar Maktabat Al-Hayat, Beirut 1965.
18. Section three of "Zad el Muad" specialized in Prophetic medicine, sometimes designated this theme as a title.
19. SHAWKAT AL-TIBBI, "Al-Wageez Fil lslam Wa Tibb". (A summary of Islam and Medicine), 1: 182-184. University of Damascus Publication 1379/1960.
20. NABEEL A-TAWEEL, "Al-Hirman Wal Takhalluf Fi Diyar ul Muslimeen", (Deprivation and Reterdation in Muslim countries) - a story of existing retardation and lacking collaboration, p. 125-127. Series of Kitab-ul-Ummah" No.7, Qatar, 1404/1984.
21. CHARLES MORASE (ed.) "Science and the Factors of In-equality", UNESCO, 1979. Moraze investigated the hardships that face Scientific in-equality in Ch. 7, p. 1243-1251, as a co-author with Derek De Sobla Price. He also reviewed the results of research by other participants under the label "Science the Unknown", pp. 255-269 - a general framework, which is badly needed despite our objection to his notion about the relationship between the track of religion and that of science.
22. BRUNO RIBES, "Biology and Ethics", UNESCO, 1978, Insight Series No.2.
23. See recommendations of Varna's Seminar, reviewed by Bruno Ribes in his book. The seminar as held in June 1975, See recommendations on pp. 195-199.
24. TOYNBEE, A., "An Historian's Approach to Religion", pp. 233-234. Oxford University Press. 1957.
25. See the collection of studies published by UNESCO in 1978, the first of the Series Insights entitled "Suicide or Survival?", particularly.

SEAN MACBRIDE, "Brain washing with a Good Clean Bomb"

pp. 89-93.

26. RICHARD NIXON. "The Real Peace", pp. 2-4, New York, 1983.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., pp. 86-93.